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Asian Settlement and the Media in Australia
(An address written for the public conference on "The
Influence of the mainstream media on the settlement of
migrants and refugees",
part of the Multicultural Celebration 1997, hosted by
the Vietnamese Community in Australia/NSW Chapter, on
Friday 28 November 1997)
Contents
1
Introduction
2
Impact of negative media on individuals
3
Effects on the collective settlement efforts of ethnic
communities and on racial harmony
4
Impact on government policy
5
Positive reporting
6
Media and Australia's cultural and social future
7
Conclusion
Introduction
It is not easy to
measure or see in a tangible way all the effects of the
media on migrant and refugee settlement, especially the
positive aspects of media influence on this long process
of adjustment to a new life in a new country like
Australia where freedom of speech means that the media
can publish any opinions it deem being "good" for a
democratic community.
We may begin first
with what we are more familiar with – negative media
reporting and its effects on refugees and migrants after
their arrival in Australia. This negative reporting may
have been done on purpose with the aim to harm the
community concerned, or it may be done without bad
intent but the effects on the community may be equally
similar and long-lasting.
It seems to be the
norm that bad news are good stories for the media, and
some newspapers appear to relish in even embellish their
stories to make things look worse than they are. Good
news only make it occasionally to the pages of
newspapers where politics, controversial issues or
personalities, crimes, drugs, suicides and murders
dominate. For migrants and
refugees, settlement needs and services are often
mentioned by the media. Although these needs and
barriers are real and have to be addressed, their
regular reporting may make some readers overlook the
migrants’ qualifications, the rich talents and
traditions that they bring to this country. It may
create the impression that migrants and refugees are a
group of whingers who have little to give to this
country, but only expect to be given hand-outs and
services, or to take and take and take (as the One
Nation Party of Pauline Hanson describes it in a recent
60 Minutes report). Features on settlement
problems such as long-term unemployment, lack of English
proficiency or occupational skills and welfare
dependency experienced by migrants and refugees are
useful in themselves. They inform governments and the
public about the needs of new settlers in this country,
and what needs to be done to assist these people.
However, where those from a particular birth place are
often associated with a particular problem, then the
media has an important impact on both the public and the
community concerned.
For example, the
Centre for Population and Immigration Research at Monash
University, publishes in its journal "People and
Place" many articles on Vietnamese welfare
dependency, migrant residential concentration, or the
welfare impact of family reunion migration. These
articles usually send out alarming messages which are
almost always picked up by the mainstream media which
may go out searching for their own stories to confirm
the academics’ debates. This chain of events has created
the perception that Vietnamese and other similarly
placed migrant groups are unable or unwilling to become
self-supporting, because they are alleged to see
Australia as a "welfare paradise". The fact that many of
them – more than 80 per cent of the total Vietnamese
population here – are employed or running successful
businesses is often ignored.
Stories about
welfare dependency and unemployment are, however, one
thing. More common in the print and electronic media are
negative stories which depict migrants and refugees as
being involved in a large range of undesirable
activities – from cheating on social security to being
major importers of illicit drugs such as heroin and
cocaine. Obviously many of these stories are also real,
like the settlement needs and problems. But racially
based headlines and sensational media reports tend to
lead the public at large to associate certain ethnic
groups with certain criminal activities. This is despite
the fact that such activities are undertaken by only a
few individuals within those communities. Examples of
such headlines include "Asian drug cartel back on
streets" (Daily Telegraph, 13.11.97, p. 21), or
"Asian gangs spread fear in Cabramatta" (Sunday
Telegraph, 5/6/88, p. 143).
Migrants and
refugees, especially Asians, settling in Australia,
therefore, have a public image problem: the problem of
too much negative media exposure. Not a week or month
goes by without the media carrying prominent stories on
Asians or other migrants doing something undesirable or
illegal. Sometimes, these reports may refer to members
of a particular nationality like Vietnamese or Korean,
but often suspects are lumped together as, for example,
having "Asian" appearance. The same is also done when
referring to immigration - with such broad term as
"Asian migration" or "Asian migrants". This lumping
together of people from 23 countries in the Asian region
(according to DIMA definition) means that certain images
are identified for the whole group in the mind of the
general public. Often, these are not flattering images,
when connected with crimes or when put forward by
anti-immigration groups.
Criminal elements
exist among Asians in Australia as they exist in other
communities. The difference is that Asian offenders are
almost always described by the local police and the
media in the most colourful and racist terms. Vietnamese
shootings in restaurants or in the streets of Cabramatta
are described as "street warfare", "gang-land shoot-out"
or "organised crimes" even when a lone gun-man is
involved or may have done it for personal reason. Most
of these colourful terms are often direct quotes from
the police making the investigation. Chinese illegal
gaming or shootings are seen as being the work of "the
Triad".
Japanese tourists
in Queensland face screaming headlines about the Yakuza
in the Courier-Mail such as " Japanese Organised
Crime in Battle for the Gold Coast" or "Asian Gang Preys
on Japanese" (16/11/91). Asian residents in Cabramatta,
going about their normal business like in any other
suburbs, often find their life experiences at odd with
the Sydney newspapers’ big headlines like "Terror as
Asian Gangs Rule the Streets" (Sun-Herald,
30/5/93), "Chinese, Key to Heroin" (Telegraph-Mirror,
11/12/91), "Bandits Hit Rich Asians" (Sunday
Telegraph, 21/3/93), and "Terror Gangs Target
Asians" (West Australian, 16/3/93). This is only
a small sample of these headlines, often on the front
page, that any casual visitor to Australia would easily
come across.
Again not denying
that these crimes do occur, what is common to these
newspaper headlines is their direct mention of the term
"Asian" along with the crimes. When these newspapers
report on crimes committed by Anglo-Australians, the
ethnicity of the offenders is rarely mentioned in the
headline. This aggregation or lumping together of people
from many ethnic and language backgrounds can be at the
detriment of the whole group or of particular member
community. For instance, I am told that Khmer or Lao
young people caught by the police for illegal activities
Cabramatta may tell the police that they are Vietnamese
– because of the inability of the police to tell the
difference between a Lao or a Vietnamese. The media will
then be informed that Vietnamese young people are
involved, and the Vietnamese community is dealt another
blow by the process.
There is a tendency
for the mainstream media to use an "us/them" approach to
reporting on people of ethnic backgrounds. Such an
approach often resorts to myth, stereotypes and
sensationalism without the need to check for accuracy or
sensitivity. For instance, recent reporting on problem
gamblers, Casino loan sharks, and crimes in the Kings
Cross area attribute them to members of the Korean
community. Some of these stories could not be confirmed
or involved only a few individuals. This has, of course,
to be acknowledged and dealt with, but sensational
reporting on them by the media often compounds the
situation as it can lead to increased racism against
members of the groups in question, thus making it
difficult for them to get accepted in their new country.
This is particularly the case when the issues are picked
up by television current affairs programs or by the
talk-back radio stations.
This negative press
or media reporting has affected migrants and refugees in
a number of ways, both at the individual and the group
levels.
Impact of
negative media on individuals
At the individual
level, the most profound impact seems to involve
second-generation young people. Because this group tends
to read and understand English better, they are well
informed about what is being said or perceived about
their community by the media and the public at large.
This negative group perception can give rise to negative
self-perception and low self-esteem. These in turn can
lead to feeling rejected by the host community. The
young person may then react to this rejection by
rejecting in turn one’s own group (some of whose members
are the cause of community problems such as drug
dealings or murders, which attract the bad publicity in
the first place).
The impact of such
negative self-image may also lead to rebellion against
one’s family or against society. For example, it is said
that youth drug dealings in Cabramatta are seen by some
of the young people involved as a way of "pay back" to
schools for treating them harshly and causing them to
drop out of these schools, or as "pay back" to society
for being unable to give them decent jobs or to find
them any kind of employment. On the other hand, negative
media reports may also have positive impact when
youngsters try to refute the negative group identity by
trying to over-achieve or outperform peers from other
communities in order to be accepted as equals or to feel
that they too can make it in their new country.
Effects on
the collective settlement efforts of ethnic communities
and on racial harmony
Migrant and refugee
leaders have tried to counter these negative stories
about their communities by going to the Press Council,
consulting with the Anti-Discrimination Board or the
Ethnic Affairs Commission. Some have undertaken research
and educational projects in order to counteract what
they see as the media onslaught. Others have undertaken
training on how best to handle media issues.
One organisation,
the Australian Arab Council, even goes so far as
presenting annual media award to the best and most
positive reports in the mainstream media about the
Arabic and Muslim communities.
All these efforts
obviously are the result of the effects of negative
publicity on the different ethnic groups in Australia
whose attempts at peaceful settlement have been
perceived by them to be put in jeopardy by the media.
All migrants and refugees wish to be able to pursue
their new life successfully, to contribute socially and
economically to their new country. They have no wish to
see their community’s name and reputation tainted by
racially based allegations or by media reports on
members’ misdeeds or settlement difficulties. To assist
members to overcome these difficulties, many ethnic
communities have formed their own self-help
organisations. There is no doubt, however, that many of
these groups feel hampered in the provision of their
services by negative media reporting.
For example, a
common feature found in the major mainstream newspapers
are columnists’ comments and reviews on topical issues
of the day. In regard to the current government
non-discriminatory immigration policy, critics are often
quoted by the media as saying that the increased ethnic
diversity of the Australian population would eventually
lead to race riots and break-down in social cohesion.
Britain and the United States are often cited as
examples where the "melting-pot" has boiled over into
race rioting such as the one in Los Angeles in 1992.
Critics also fear
that large concentrations of a particular ethnic group
in one area will create "ethnic ghettoes" and prevent
the group’s integration into the Australian community.
Such ghettoes will also become breeding ground for gang
crimes and other undesirable behaviour. Cabramatta in
Sydney and Richmond or Springvale in Melbourne are been
named as such examples involving Vietnamese.
As recent as
September 1997, this issue has been raised in the print
media following analysis of ethnic concentrations in
Melbourne and Sydney, based on the results of the 1996
census, again published in People and Place by
the Centre of Population and Immigration Research at
Monash University. One paper (by Healy) raises confirm
the continuing high number of Vietnamese in Cabramatta,
prompting the following headline in the Melbourne
Herald Sun, "Migrant ghetto concern" (24/9/97, p.
14). Another paper by Professor Viviani of Griffith
University dismisses the idea of ghetto in Cabramatta.
Again, this was widely reported by the mainstream media,
for example: "Ghetto theory blasted" (SMH,
30/9/97), and "Vietnamese ghetto paranoia is strictly
for the xenophobic" (Australian, 24/9/97).
"Potential
ghettoes" are residential areas or housing estates where
there are large numbers of disadvantaged residents
living in a confined space with problems such as high
unemployment, delinquency, drug addiction and the
reputation as "problem neighbourhoods". If these needs
and problems are attributes of "potential ghettoes",
Cabramatta in Sydney as depicted in some media may be
perceived as one such area. With its large concentration
of Vietnamese refugees and other recently arrived
migrants, the number of unemployed people is often
higher than in other local government areas. There are
also many young people who spend most of their time in
the streets or local game parlours, who have been
subject to police strip searches or are said to be
passing drugs.
Illegal gaming,
prostitution, gold chain and handbag snatching incidents
in Cabramatta are all faithfully reported in the local
English language newspapers. Past and present local
aldermen in Fairfield Council have been quoted to say
that Cabramatta is "unsafe" at night. Similar comments
and reports are not known about other areas. Racial
harmony will not be achieved if the local council take
Vietnamese shop-keepers to court for breaching the Clean
Food Act and then issue media releases to newspapers to
gain the maximum publicity on these prosecutions.
Nor will racial
harmony come to pass if local politicians call for
recruitment of "culturally appropriate" police from Hong
Kong to deal with the local Vietnamese population every
time a robbery takes place. This political point-scoring
will only reinforce racial prejudice against Asian
migrants in Australia by members of the community at
large – helped in large measure by reports on these
issues by the media.
Impact on
government policy
There is no doubt
that this negative media reporting has also affected
government policies towards refugee and migrant intakes.
Following many critical reports and studies published on
different aspects of Australia’s immigration program in
last ten years, many significant changes have been made
to the program such as the introduction of medical
bonds, the need for assurance support, the balance of
family principle, the two-year wait for permanent
residence for fiances and overseas brides, the
point-test with emphasis on English proficiency, the
more recently introduced two-year wait for social
security support, and heavily reduced family migration.
As the Sydney
Morning Herald recently stated, the "welcome mat is
wearing thin", (6/11/97, p. 17), as "Australia’s open
door is only slightly ajar" (Illawarra Mercury,
7/1/93, p. 9). Most of the recent changes to Australia’s
immigration program have been explained by the
Government as attempts to save money and bring the most
benefits from the program to the country. More to the
point, however, these cuts have been directly influenced
by media publicity and the Government’s fear of losing
electoral support from a better informed public which
has increasingly questioned the Government’s immigration
policy.
Positive
reporting
So far, attention
has focused on negative media reporting and its effects
on migrants and refugees. Like everything else, of
course, the media has its positive side – although
probably not enough of it.
In the early years
of the Communist take-over of Indochina, the media
reacted positively to large intakes of Indochinese
refugees from refugee camps in Southeast Asia, or to
"boat people" from Vietnam who were often seen as brave
survivors of perilous journeys across the seas. Migrant
centres were opened to accommodate them/ Government and
non-government resources were mobilised to provide the
necessary settlement services during this early period
from 1976 to 1985. Gradually, however, there is a shift
of attitude towards this sympathetic reception as petty
crimes and high unemployment surfaced, and the flow of
refugees from Indochina appeared to see no end.
Today, the print
media appear to be more sensitive to reporting on ethnic
issues. Largely through much criticism from the ethnic
communities themselves and the intervention of bodies
such as the Anti-Discrimination Board or the Ethnic
Affairs Commission, more sensitive headlining can now be
found and self-regulation by some section of the media
seems to be in place. A recent report in the Daily
Telegraph (12/11/97, p. 24), for example, carried
the simple headline of "gang sought over murder" in a
story involving a group of Asian youth sought for a
stabbing murder in Campsie. The word "Asian" is not in
the headline - as expected in previous years.
Another recent
story called "Investors in Misery: Heroin dealers jailed
after police uncover a fortune" was published by
Daily Telegraph (14/11/97, p.15) with a photograph
of an Asian-looking woman involved in the case. Only the
names of the accused were mentioned without any
reference to their ethnic origin or nationalities. This
is, of course, what should be the case.
And still on the
more positive approach by the media, we have all the
hypes about migrant and refugee students in the top ten
of the HSC results each year. There are also the
occasional success stories of refugee families who have
made it in Australia, particularly during Refugee Week,
with headlines such as "Peasant migrants our new
yuppies" (Daily Telegraph, 24 Sept 97, p. 15), or
"Migrants find life is rich in the promised land" (Courier
Mail, 24/9/97, pp 1 and 2), and "The mighty
migrants" (The Bulletin, 30 April 1995). As you
would all agree, we need more reporting of this positive
nature. Not only do these positive stories enhance the
settlement of migrants and refugees in this country, but
they also contribute to racial harmony and make us feel
good to be in a new country, good about ourselves and
good about others around us.
Media and
Australia’s cultural and social future
If we look at the
current Australia population and its cultural diversity,
there is no doubt that the mainstream media is not
reflecting cultural diversity. This is true of the print
media as well radio and television. Ethnic broadcasting
and newspapers are available, but they are run as
special services or ethnic-based businesses. They are
not part of the mainstream. Research has found that
members of the ethnic communities see the ethnic media
and SBS radio/TV mainly as the source programs in their
own languages, or homeland news. For general
entertainment and news within Australia, commercial
television is usually used. However, here they often
find stereotypes about themselves or stories involving
crimes and killing within their communities. This
negative and superficial version of themselves in the
mainstream media not only let down these migrant and
refugee groups but also the wider community by
reinforcing false and often undesirable images. Even SBS
TV has been seen as catering mainly for middle-class
Australians and the larger ethnic communities. The
challenge for SBS and the mainstream TV stations is to
make their programs relevant and identifiable by all
Australians, regardless of their language and ethnic
backgrounds.
A publication by
the former Bureau of Immigration and Population Research
called "Media and Immigrant Settlement’ (1992) found
that the media, especially radio and television, is not
effective in conveying settlement information to new
migrants, or in teaching them English. However, it can
be useful in informing about where information could be
obtained, or in helping migrant communities to maintain
their cultures. If this is the case, it is obvious that
the media does have a positive role to play in the
settlement of migrants and refugees. However, much
change in attitudes and reform are needed, especially
with the mainstream media, in order to help foster more
positive representation of ethnic communities. Some
strategies for change have been suggested in a book
edited by Professor Andrew Jakubowicz of the University
of Technology, Sydney, entitled "Racism, Ethnicity and
the Media" (1994). Among these strategies is the need
for more research which will lead to criticism and
advocacy to overcome institutional barriers to
participation in the mainstream media by members of
minority groups. Until the latter takes place,
misrepresentation of ethnic people and issues will
continue to occur.
Conclusion
The
Broadcasting Services Act 1992 aims among other things
to: (1) promote broadcasting services which develop and
reflect a sense of Australian identity, character and
cultural identity; (2) encourage broadcasting providers
to be responsive to the need for a fair and accurate
coverage of matters of public interest and for
appropriate coverage of matters of local significance.
However, these codes of practices were to be developed
by broadcasters themselves and their observation is
voluntary. This provides little for those who wish to
obtain more equitable and positive portrayal of minority
groups in the mainstream media. They may help in making
media people more sensitive to ethnic issues, but
without effective sanctions for breaches, broadcasters
are free not to adhere to these codes of practice. One
thing is certain, however: more research clearly needs
to be done into the needs of ethnic audiences, and on
the impact of media on their lives. Some initial
research has been undertaken, but too little is known on
this issue at present.
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