The class structure of Australian society.



    This essay will examine the questions 'what is the class structure of Australian society. Does social class matter.  If so, how and why does it matter'.  It will argue that Australia has a four tier class structure incorporating the upper class, the middle class, (which is divided into three fairly distinct groups), the working class, and the underclass.
    This essay will further argue that class does matter by examining the role of education in class where education is both determined by, and is an influence on, an individual's class, and the role of class in the distribution of, and access to, power in society.

    For this essay class will be considered from the perspective of the individual, where an individuals' class is determined primarily by occupation and income (Encel, 1970, p. 39), although one is not necessarily a determinate of the other; and an individuals' own class identity, which may not necessarily match their occupation or income.  Class identity, it is argued, is as important in determining class as occupation or income due to the possibility of social mobility (McGregor, 1993,
pp. 12-13)
. ¥

    Class in Australia is based around a four tier structure.  Starting from the bottom, the under class is the lowest class, with incomes at or below the poverty line, and is primarily made up of long term welfare recipients, the unemployed, the homeless and poverty-stricken, and who are usually permanently disenfranchised with extremely limited life chances (McGregor, 1997, p. 261)

    Above this group is the working class, usually defined as from unskilled to skilled blue collar workers such as tradespeople, factory workers and labourers .  They are distinct from the under class as they usually have jobs, higher income, at or slightly above the basic wage, and are somewhat more financially secure (McGregor, 1997, pp. 181-182).

    Above the working class is the middle class.  This class is divided into three distinct sub-classes, but where there is considerable merging between them.  The first of these is the lower middle class which is made up of individuals with working class incomes who see themselves as middle class (Encel, 1970, pp. 120-121), or people who identify as working class but with the income and life style of the middle class (McGregor, 1997, pp. 145-147).  As such the lower middle class could be seen as a transitional sub-class of people moving into, or out of, the middle class.  Next is the central middle class, which is the largest of the three sub-classes.  Most Australians see themselves as, or aspire to be in, this group.  It is made up of people in mainly professional non-manual occupations on noticeably higher incomes than the working class (McGregor, 1997, pp. 145-146).  The third sub-class is the upper middle class, which like the lower middle class, could be considered a transitional class, made up of individuals on a somewhat higher income than, but who identify with, the central middle class, or who have central middle class income, but identify with the upper class.  
 
    The final class is the upper class, which is made up of people who inherited or created great wealth, and by very high salaried professionals such as the CEO's of large companies.  Some members of this class and the upper and central middle classes, appear to be changing into an internationally based transnational capitalist class, possibly even a global upper class, which increasingly identifies with an international, rather than national agenda (Sklair, 1996, pp. 1-15).
Whether this signals the creation of a new class, or simply the evolution of existing classes is not clear, as it is still in the process of developing.

    As is clear from the class structure above, class does matter, especially in the case of the distribution of wealth, where class is an important determinant of income (McGregor, 1997, p. 193).  Yet wealth and income distribution is only the more obvious affects of class.  Possibly of more fundamental importance is the role class plays in educational attainment and access.  Education and class are inextricably linked as education is both a determinant of income, and is determined by income.
    The type and level of education an individual receives directly affects occupational choices, as education is a key determinate of job entry (Broom, et. al., 1980, p. 77).  Therefore, as the upper class is generally considered to be the best educated, its members would have the highest chances of gaining the best jobs (McGregor, 1997, p. 252).  This is even more obvious when compared to working class education which is considered to be poor by comparison, with many students leaving school early, and few going onto university (McGregor, 1997, p. 189).  In fact, education is seen to have an important role in socialising people for their roles in life, therefore it can be argued that those students who attend working class schools are given an education designed for working class occupations, and therefore incomes (Encel, 1970, p. 143).  
    Education also plays an important role in social mobility (McGregor, 1997, p. 57), where the growth of the middle class has been linked to educational attainment (McGregor, 1997, p. 139).  In this way, people can use education as a way to progress up the social structure, and then to maintain that position over time through improved education for themselves and their children, from their higher incomes.  As such, different types of education and schools can be seen to play a role in actually creating and maintaining class and economic divisions (Encel, 1970, p. 151).  Where those with the highest incomes can receive the best education, and therefore maintain or even advance their class positions through access to occupations with the highest incomes.  While those with low incomes receive a much more limited education, which severely restricts their occupational chances, limits their income level, makes social mobility almost impossible, and continues the cycle of poor education due to poor income.

    Class also plays a role in access to political power.  In Australia since the 1980s, economic considerations have dominated governments to a large degree.  In such a situation, the upper class with both its wealth and business interests is at a distinct advantage in pushing forward its agenda.  
This can be seen from the fact that politicians are unlikely to act against the interests of business (Connell, 1977, p. 43), as governments need business support for their policies, to be seen as competent economic managers. In fact the Liberal Party is considered to be the political arm, of the business section, of the upper class (Connell, 1977, p. 53) while the Labor Party deliberately courts big business, and accepts the international economic orthodoxy of economic rationalism (Kelly, 1994, p. 23).  In this way the upper class could even be seen as a ruling class due to its control of key sectors of the economy, its common interest in maintaining its wealth and privileges, and its influence on, and within, political parties and governments (Connell, 1977, pp. 41-42).  As well, if a part of the upper class is forming into a transnational capitalist class, then Australia could in fact be, or soon to be, dominated by a global, rather than national ruling class, which has both its own ideology and interests separate to Australias' (Sklair, 1996, pp. 1-2).
    This is in stark contrast to the working, lower middle, and under classes, who appear to be becoming increasingly powerless in the face of global change, and who increasingly see themselves as victims of the new global ideology and economic system (McGregor, 1997, pp. 22-23).  This can clearly be seen in the working class, which has limited access to power, is the usual victim and loser in class conflicts, and many of who's political and trade union leaders come from the middle class, with some ending their careers in the upper middle class and even upper class (McGregor, 1997, pp. 198-201).

    In conclusion it can be seen that in Australia class does matter.  It is a nation whose society is divided into four main classes, which are separated by income inequalities and by the individual's own class identification.  
    Class is also shown to be closely linked to education.  Where the type of education received is fundamental to the occupations a person can seek entry into.  This is reinforced by the socialising nature of education, in which it contributes to the creation and maintenance of the existing class structure.
    Classes also represent the distribution of power.  In a society based on capitalism the class that holds the most wealth has the most influence.  In Australia this is the upper class which controls much of the nations' economic structures, dominates economic ideology, and strongly influences both government and the main political parties.  Whereas the other classes are feeling increasingly victimised and powerless, while being led by people not of their class.
    There is also evidence that a new class, a transnational capitalist class, formed from members of the upper class together with some from the middle class, may be in the process of developing, and which may in time come to dominate all other classes.



-------------------------------------------



¥.  This definition is purely for the purposes of this essay only.  
     It is clearly recognised that it is limited as it does not include gender
     or ethnicity. This is because this essay is concerned with an examination of the
     main determinants of class, which it is argued affect individuals over and
     above other considerations.





------------------------------------------


BIBLIOGRAPHY



Beazley, K. ' Howard's Cuts Will bite in 1997 '.  Labor Times.
no. 3. January 1997. p. 4.

Beazley, K. ' Howard: Condemned By His Deeds '.  Labor Times.
no. 5. August 1997. p. 6.

Book of Readings. 1997. Introduction to Socialogy I. Sydney: Supplied by University.

Book of Readings. 1997. Introduction to Socialogy II: Readings For Tutorial and
Discussion Topic Program
. Sydney: Supplied by University.

Broom, L. & Jones, F.L. & McDonnell, P. & Williams,T. 1980. The Inheritance
of Inequality
. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.

Carr, B. ' Our Plan to Protect Clothing Outworkers '. Labor Times. no. 4. July 1997.  p. 6.

Congalton, A.A. 1969. Status and Prestige in Australia. Melbourne: Cheshire.

Connell, R.W. 1977. Ruling Class, Ruling Culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Connel, R.W. 1980. Class Structure in Australian History. Melbourne: Longman Cheshire.

Encel, S. 1970. Equality and Authority: A Study of Class, Status and Power
in Australia
. Melbourne: Cheshire Publishing.

Gavin, B. ' Poorer Students Less Likely To Do Well '. The Sydney Morning
Herald. 4 April 1995. p. 5.

Kelly, P. 1994. The End of Certainty. Sydney: Allen and Unwin.

Mackay, H. 1993. Reinventing Australia: The Mind and Mood of Australia
in the 90s
. Pymble, NSW: Angus and Robertson Books.

McGregor, C. 1997. Class in Australia. Ringwood, Victoria: Penguin Books.

Richardson, J. ' Vision of Higher Education Loses its Shine on Closer Inspection '.
The Weekend Australian. 10-11 August 1996. p. 5.

Sklair, L. ' Conceptualising and researching the Transnational Capitalist Class
in Australia '. The Australian and New Zealand Journal of Sociology. vol. 32.
no. 2. 1996. pp. 1-15.




Online Reference:  
http://members.ozemail.com.au/~johnthorpe64/Class_in_Australia.html.


Visit John's Essays Website