Executive Summary

Legal

The legal chapter is divided into three parts: international law; domestic law; and comparative practice among States.

 

International Law

 

Australia is a signatory to a number of international conventions which are relevant to the immigration detention of children, including the Convention on the Rights of the Child, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the International Covenant on Economic Social and Cultural Rights, and the Refugee Convention and Protocol.

 

This chapter discusses these conventions and the duties to children that arise out of them. It concludes that Australia’s detention of child asylum seekers, and the length and conditions of detention, appear to be in breach of Australia’s international obligations, particularly with respect to:

·        the deprivation of liberty

·        the child’s right to a standard of living adequate to mental, physical, spiritual, moral and social development

·        the right to health care, nutrition and hygiene

·        the right not to be subjected to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment

·        the right to legal assistance and judicial scrutiny of detention

·        the right to privacy

·        rights relating to needs of disabled children

 

Domestic Section

 

This section examines the legal concept of guardianship – powers, rights and duties to protect the long-term welfare of children - and courts’ powers to intervene to protect children’s interests. In the case of unaccompanied children in immigration detention, legislation provides that the Federal Minister for Immigration is their guardian, and is, therefore, subject to the duties of guardianship.

 

The section sets out State child welfare legislation, which contains detailed provisions designed to protect children that ought to apply to children who find themselves in immigration detention. This legislation, however, is not generally enforced in practice in relation to such children.

 

The section examines legislation that applies to prisons and to juvenile detention in Australia, and concludes that the rights of both adult and juvenile prisoners are better protected through legislation than are those of children in immigration detention.

 

The section outlines the existing legal framework under which detention is imposed. It notes that the courts’ powers of judicial review have been progressively restricted over the last few years, and that recent amendments have purported to oust judicial review entirely. The legal and regulatory framework described cannot be viewed as a mechanism for the grant of rights – rather, it is concerned with denying, or authorising restrictions on, rights. The section points out that certain practices, such as that of separation detention – under which new detainees are isolated from the main population of the detention centre for the purposes of ‘screening out’ those detainees who do not, in the view of the Department of Immigration, Multicultural and Indigenous Affairs, immediately engage Australia’s international protection obligations – do not appear to be authorised by legislation.

 

The section notes that the day-to-day operation of immigration detention is based in highly discretionary administrative powers conferred on the Minister of Immigration and delegated to private detention centre operators. Further, the contractual relationships between the Commonwealth and the private contractor that operates detention centres fail basic tests of transparency. There are few, if any, means through which any obligations imposed on the operators can be enforced by detainees.

 

The section notes that all persons who have responsibility for the detention, safety and welfare of children owe these children a duty of care at common law. The duty of care owed to children in detention by the Commonwealth Government is non-delegable, ie it cannot be delegated to a private centre operator without further Commonwealth responsibility. In negligence, the standard of care to be observed is determined in light of all relevant circumstances. The dependency and powerlessness of children clearly gives rise to a high standard of care. Both the Commonwealth and the private operators appear to be in breach of their common law duties through their treatment of children.

 

The section discusses the visa framework in its application to child detainees. It notes the statutory availability of bridging visas, under which children may be released from detention. In practice, however, very few children are released from detention, as the bridging visa regime is highly discretionary, there is no active or effective regime for the monitoring of child detainees and their interests, and no government-funded legal assistance is available for the preparation of bridging visa applications.

 

The section outlines the Immigration Application Advice and Assistance Scheme, which is the only government-funded scheme for the provision of legal assistance to asylum seekers in detention. It highlights the problems in the operation of this scheme, including: fees to contractors are paid by the Department responsible for assessing applications; confidentiality obligations prevent legal advisers commenting publicly on conditions in detention centres; apparent discrimination in the award of contracts against those whose advisers are deemed to be too proactive in support of the claims of asylum seekers; and the quality of work performed by contractors is often not sufficiently monitored or scrutinised.

 

The section discusses the constitutional issues involved in detention, and notes the possibility that the detention of children may have reached a point where it has, both through length of detention and conditions of detention, become punitive, such that it is no longer authorised by the Commonwealth Constitution. 

 

Comparative practice

 

The chapter concludes by summarising the systems that operate in Sweden, New Zealand and Canada in relation to child asylum seekers. These systems contrast markedly with the Australian experience, and demonstrate that the current Australian system is arbitrary and unnecessary. None of these countries mandatorily detains asylum seekers, and each makes special legislative provision for the treatment of children.

 

 

 

 


Chapter One.........................................................................................................................8

International Standards...........................................................................................................8

1.1      Status of International Conventions and Customary International Law in Australian Law8

1.2      General Duties towards Children at International Law.............................................10

1.3      International Conventions and Other Standards concerning the Deprivation of Children’s’ Liberty           20

1.4      Material indicating prima facie breach of International obligations and standards........27

1.4.1      Best Interests of the Child and Rights to a Standard of Living Adequate to Mental, Physical, Spiritual, Moral and Social Development   27

1.4.2      Health Care, Nutrition and Hygiene....................................................................43

1.4.3      Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment.............................................................48

1.4.4      Needs of Disabled Children................................................................................55

1.4.5      Legal Assistance and Judicial Scrutiny of Detention.............................................57

1.4.6      Privacy.............................................................................................................58

1.4.7      Training and Conduct of Detention Centre Staff..................................................59

Chapter Two.......................................................................................................................61

Domestic framework for detention                                                                                        61

1.5      Relevant legal rules outside the migration context....................................................61

1.5.1      Standards relevant to treatment of children..........................................................61

Guardianship rules........................................................................................................61

Child welfare legislation................................................................................................64

1.5.2      Standards relevant to conditions of detention........................................................71

Prisons legislation.........................................................................................................71

Juvenile detention legislation..........................................................................................73

1.6      Existing legal framework for detention....................................................................73

1.6.1      Rights and standards under existing framework...................................................73

Statutory mechanisms...................................................................................................73

Administrative mechanisms...........................................................................................73

Contractual mechanisms...............................................................................................73

Common law mechanisms............................................................................................73

1.6.2      The visa framework and its application to child  detainees...................................73

Children and protection visas.........................................................................................73

Children and bridging visas............................................................................................73

Legal representation of detainee children.......................................................................73

1.6.3       Enforcement and accountability under the existing framework..............................73

State mechanisms........................................................................................................73

Non-state mechanisms.................................................................................................73

1.7       Constitutional issues raised by detention..................................................................73

1.7.1       Constitutional limits on the power to detain..........................................................73

Limits contained in the Migration Act............................................................................73 style='font-family: "Times New Roman"'>

Limits derived from the Constitution..............................................................................73

1.7.2       Constitutionality of detention...............................................................................73

Chapter Three..................................................................................................................... style='font-family:"Times New Roman"'>73

Comparative Practice in the Detention and Treatment of Child Asylum Seekers                      73

1.8       SWEDEN............................................................................................................73

1.8.1       Introduction.......................................................................................................73

1.8.2       General Procedure for Seeking Asylum...............................................................73

Basis for seeking Asylum.............................................................................................73

Entry, lodgment and case management..........................................................................73

1.8.3       Detention..........................................................................................................73

Overview....................................................................................................................73

Review of Detention....................................................................................................73

Conditions of Detention................................................................................................73 style='font-family: "Times New Roman"'>

class=MsoToc3 style='tab-stops:right dotted 429.1pt'> style='font-family: "Times New Roman"'>Case Management and Legal Information......................................................................73

Education....................................................................................................................73

Housing.......................................................................................................................73

Medical care................................................................................................................73

1.8.4       Detention of Children.........................................................................................73

1.8.5       Unaccompanied minors......................................................................................73

1.8.6       Families............................................................................................................73

1.8.7       Resettlement, Deportation and Voluntary Repatriation..........................................73

1.8.8       Best Interests of the Child..................................................................................73

1.9       NEW ZEALAND.................................................................................................73

1.9.1       Introduction.......................................................................................................73

1.9.2       General Procedure for Seeking Asylum...............................................................73

Entry...........................................................................................................................73

Application..................................................................................................................73

Initial Assessment........................................................................................................73

Appeal........................................................................................................................73

Treatment of Minors....................................................................................................73

1.9.3       Detention..........................................................................................................73

Place of Custody..........................................................................................................73

Right of access to Counsel............................................................................................73

Bail.............................................................................................................................73

Warrants of Commitment.............................................................................................73

1.9.4       Detention of Children.........................................................................................73

1.9.5       Alternatives to Detention....................................................................................73

Mangere Resettlement Centre......................................................................................73

1.9.6       Deportation and Children....................................................................................73

1.10        CANADA........................................................... lang=EN-US>Error! Bookmark not defined. style='font-family: "Times New Roman"'>

class=MsoToc2 style='tab-stops:55.0pt right dotted 429.1pt'> style='font-family:"Times New Roman"'>1.10.1      Introduction.......................................................................................................73

1.10.2      General Procedure for Seeking Asylum...............................................................73

Overview of the Current Procedure..............................................................................73

Right to Legal Counsel.................................................................................................73

Refusal........................................................................................................................73

Appeal........................................................................................................................73

Judicial Review............................................................................................................73

Recent changes...........................................................................................................73

Child Refugees............................................................................................................73

1.10.3      Detention..........................................................................................................73

Grounds for Detention..................................................................................................73

Review of Detention....................................................................................................73

Alternatives to Detention..............................................................................................73

1.10.4      Detention of Children.........................................................................................73

Safeguards for Children................................................................................................73

Alternatives to Detention..............................................................................................73

Education....................................................................................................................73

Health.........................................................................................................................73

Employment.................................................................................................................73

1.10.5      Unaccompanied Minors.....................................................................................73

Legal Responsibility and Guardianship...........................................................................73

1.10.6      Legal information and Representation.................................................................73

 

 


Chapter One

International Standards

 

In the meantime I must uphold my ideals, for perhaps the time will come when I shall be able to carry them out.[1]

                                                                        - Anne Frank

 

1.1   Status of International Conventions and Customary International Law in Australian Law

Australia is bound by several international conventions relevant to the detention of child asylum seekers. These include the United Nations’ Convention on the Rights of the Child (“CROC”); the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (“ICCPR”); the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights; and the Convention Relative to the Status of Refugees and its amending Protocol.[2]

 

In international law, each of these conventions is binding on the Australian state, which is obliged to bring its domestic laws into conformity with their stipulations.  Within Australian domestic law, however, it is difficult to enforce the rights and duties created by an international convention.  International conventions do not have legal force in domestic law, and cannot be directly applied by domestic courts in Australia, unless they are enacted into legislation by the Australian Parliament[3].

 

Nevertheless, international conventions ratified by Australia are not completely without force in domestic law. Courts interpreting domestic laws which are ambiguous should favour the interpretation which accords with Australia’s international law obligations.  In the case of administrative decision making by the executive government, international conventions ratified by Australia have been held to create a “legitimate expectation” that the decision-maker will exercise her or his discretion in a manner consistent with international conventions binding Australia.

 

In the celebrated case of Minister for Immigration and Ethnic Affairs v Teoh, a majority of the High Court of Australia held that, as a consequence of Australia’s ratification of CROC, there was created a legitimate expectation that administrative decision-makers would act in conformity with CROC and treat the best interests of children affected by an administrative decision as a “primary consideration.”

 

On two occasions (10 May 1995  and 25 February 1997), the Executive has sought to overcome the effect of Teoh by issuing a statement declaring that “entering into an international treaty does not give rise to legitimate expectations in administrative law which could form the basis for challenging any administrative decision…”  The legal effect of this statement is unclear, and other attempts to overrule or circumvent Teoh have thus far been thwarted.

 

The status of rules of customary international law in domestic law is even more ambiguous. While there is some support for the view that well-recognised rules of customary international law become part of the common law,[4] the position remains unclear.

 

Thus, child asylum seekers in immigration detention in Australia cannot look to international conventions and customary international law as a direct source of rights in Australian law.  However, as the High Court noted in Teoh, binding international obligations and other international standards are not of no effect.  At minimum, they can and should be looked to as a source of universal standards for the appropriate treatment of child asylum seekers, to which domestic arrangements should conform.

 

The discussion below considers international instruments relevant to the treatment of children in immigration detention. Some of these instruments are binding upon Australia in international law; others are recommendatory. In each case, it would appear – both from the material referred to below, and material discussed elsewhere in this submission - that Australia’s policy of mandatory detention of asylum seekers violates these basic international standards.

 

1.2   General Duties towards Children at International Law

Convention on the Rights of the Child

 

CROC came into effect in 1990, and has since become the most widely ratified international human rights convention, acceded to by over 180 states.  The drafting and adoption of CROC was the culmination of a century-long movement to recognise and protect the special needs and interests of children in society.[5]  An authoritative commentary on CROC summarises its provisions as concerned with four “Ps”:[6]

a)     the participation of children in decisions affecting their own destiny;

b)     the protection of children against discrimination and all forms of exploitation;

c)     the prevention of harm to children, and;

d)     the provision of assistance for their basic needs.

 

The preamble to CROC recites the international community’s acceptance of certain fundamental values and principles relevant to the treatment of children.  Broadly, these are: that children are bearers and subjects of human rights, and that the family is the fundamental group unit of society; that children are best served living in a supportive family environment, and; that children’s special vulnerability and need for protection is recognised, as is the importance of cultural identity.  The specific rights and duties provided for in CROC must be read in light of these values and principles.  Article 4 requires states parties to undertake all appropriate legislative, administrative and other measures for the implementation of the rights recognised in CROC.

 

In pursuance of these objectives, CROC creates a series of specific obligations towards children which must be discharged by states parties in respect of children on their territory.  Among these obligations, Article 22 of the convention states that all of the rights and obligations provided for in the convention are to be enjoyed by children seeking asylum, without discrimination:

1. States Parties shall take appropriate measures to ensure that a child who is seeking refugee status or who is considered a refugee in accordance with applicable international or domestic law and procedures shall, whether unaccompanied or accompanied by his or her parents or by any other person, receive appropriate protection and humanitarian assistance in the enjoyment of applicable rights set forth in the present Convention and in other international human rights or humanitarian instruments to which the said States are Parties.

2. For this purpose, States Parties shall provide, as they consider appropriate, co-operation in any efforts by the United Nations and other competent intergovernmental organisations or non-governmental organisations co-operating with the United Nations to protect and assist such a child and to trace the parents or other members of the family of any refugee child in order to obtain information necessary for reunification with his or her family. In cases where no parents or other members of the family can be found, the child shall be accorded the same protection as any other child permanently or temporarily deprived of his or her family environment for any reason, as set forth in the present Convention.

 

It follows that Australia’s obligations under CROC apply equally to non-citizen child asylum seekers, as they do to children who are citizens.  To conclude otherwise would be contrary to both the express terms of Article 22 of CROC, and to its objects and purposes, which are concerned with the special protection of children, not only of nationals.  A basic rule of international law is that international conventions are to be interpreted in accordance with their objects and purpose.[7]

 

Article 3 of CROC requires that states parties ensure that the “best interests” of the child be a “primary consideration” in “all actions concerning children, whether undertaken by public or private social welfare institutions, courts of law, administrative authorities or legislative bodies.  The concept of “best interests” is imprecise, but the basic conclusion drawn by HREOC is clear:[8]

I[I]n the case of actions and decisions affecting an individual child, it is the best interests of that individual child which must be taken into account. It is in a child's best interests to enjoy the rights and freedoms set out in CROC.

In Teoh’s case, Mason CJ and Deane J interpreted the requirement that a child’s best interests be a “primary consideration” as requiring a decision maker to look “to the best interests of the children as a primary consideration, asking whether the force of any other consideration outweighed it”[9].

 

In the context of a statutory and administrative framework of mandatory detention of child asylum seekers, a plain reading of the “best interests” provision would seem to require the Executive and Legislative branches of the Commonwealth government to ask: is the mandatory detention of child asylum seekers in a child’s best interests? If the answer is no, the “primary consideration” obligation would appear to mandate that the need to act in the child’s best interests be given at least as much weight as Australia’s interests in regulating unauthorised entry into Australia.  By this reasoning, Article 3 of CROC would mandate the creation of an alternative to the detention of child asylum seekers, unless it could be established that any alternative was fundamentally and necessarily incompatible with the fulfilment of border control interests. It is doubtful whether the Government has discharged such an onus, as it is refusing to consider alternatives to the policy of mandatory detention. The current policy and legislative framework would thus not comply with the obligation to make the best interests of child asylum seekers a “primary consideration”.

 

Several articles of CROC establish duties towards children which, in essence, attempt to protect the evolving capacities of children, by either: protecting them from harm, or; providing conditions necessary for their full development.

  • Article 6(2) obliges states to ensure children’s’ survival and development.
  • Article 19 requires states to protect children from violence, abuse, maltreatment and exploitation, and to ensure appropriate support services for children who are victims of such mistreatment.
  • Article 24 recognises a child’s right to health, and commits states parties to ensure access to adequate health care.
  • Article 27 recognises “the right of every child to a standard of living adequate for the child's physical, mental, spiritual, moral and social development”, and requires states to “take appropriate measures to assist parents and others responsible for the child to implement this right and shall in case of need provide material assistance and support programmes, particularly with regard to nutrition, clothing and housing.
  • Articles 28 and 29 recognise a child’s right to education, directed to the development of her or his talents and capacities,
  • Article 31 obliges states to respect and promote children’s’ right to play, recreation and artistic activity.
  • Article 23 requires states to take special measures to ensure that mentally or physically disabled children have access to support services, education, health care, rehabilitation and recreation, in order to achieve the “fullest possible social integration and individual development.

 

The relevant question raised by these international obligations is: can they be fulfilled or adequately performed in respect of children mandatorily detained, beyond the minimum period necessary for health and identity checks? The discussion below (at1.4) of selected experiences of children in immigration detention in Australia indicates that mandatory detention of child asylum seekers and their families is, by its very nature, incompatible with the realisation of the rights, and compliance with the duties prescribed by CROC.  The deprivation of liberty is a circumstance which, by definition, impedes the physical, mental, moral and social development of children. Incarceration can never be regarded as a “normal” environment for the development of a child and, as such, it may be reasonably presumed that it is inimical to rights prescribed in Articles 27 to 31 of CROC unless the contrary can be established as a matter of fact. As the material discussed further below indicates, it is clearly demonstrable that, in fact, children in immigration detention are neither protected from psychological or physical harm, nor provided with conditions suitable to their full development.

 

International law acknowledges the family both as the basic unit of society and as the natural environment for the growth and well-being of the child. This in turn reflects the view that future community members are socialised within the family, and children bring these characteristics with them into their adult lives.[10]

 

Putting to one side the controversial question of what constitutes a “family” for the purposes of international law, several articles of CROC require the state to protect the family unit, and facilitate a child’s healthy relationship with her or his family.

  • Article 7 states that a child has the right “to know and be cared for by his or her parents.”
  • Article 8 commits states parties to respect the right of the child to preserve his or her identity, including family relations.
  • Article 9 requires states to ensure that a child “shall not be separated from his or her parents against their will, except when competent authorities subject to judicial review determine, in accordance with applicable law … , that the separation is necessary for the best interests of the child…
  • Article 10 contemplates that the obligation in Article 9 to maintain family unity extends to immigration-related laws.  It states:

1. In accordance with the obligation in Article 9, paragraph 1, applications by a child or his or her parents to enter or leave a State Party for the purpose of family reunification shall be dealt with by States Parties in a positive, humane and expeditious manner. …

It would appear that the mandatory detention of child asylum seekers and their families is fundamentally incompatible with the realisation of the rights protected by CROC. Where children accompany their parents to seek asylum in Australia and are mandatorily detained with their family members, the family unit is placed under extraordinary stress. Parents are rendered incapable of meeting their children’s’ emotional and physical needs because confinement in immigration detention centres renders them essentially dependent upon detention centre management and DIMIA (the Department of Immigration and Multicultural and Indigenous Affairs) for their daily needs. Further, it is apparent from the material discussed below that parents cannot effectively protect their children from exposure to the violent and disturbing situations which appear to develop in immigration detention centres with relative frequency. This in turn appears to lead to a breakdown in the relationship between parent and child, with the former’s loss of authority and respect vis-à-vis the child.

An incidental consequence of mandatory detention, when combined with the recent introduction of Temporary Protection Visas, is the enforced separation of family members who arrive and seek asylum separately from one another. Persons who entered Australia without a visa after October 1999, and who sought and obtained refugee status, are entitled only to a Temporary Protection Visa (“TPV”). TPV holders do not have family reunion rights in respect of even immediate family, who may have remained in the country of origin due to fears concerning the safety of the journey, or due to insufficient money to purchase the passage of the entire family unit. Should the remaining family members (often, the female spouse and children of a TPV-holder) then make the journey to Australia and enter in an unauthorised manner, they will be detained and required to establish that they meet the criteria for refugee status, independently of the recognised refugee claims of their husband or father already in Australia on a TPV. Children who fall into this group will thus not have the benefit of the refugee status of the parent who may have preceded them, nor will they be entitled to release to live with their father or mother who is in the community on a TPV.  The absurdity of the situation produced by this framework is illustrated by the recently reported case of Ali Asqar Bakhtiyari (“Wife, Five Children are Denied Visas”, Herald Sun, Melbourne, 25 March 2002):

  “The entire family of an Afghan man who is in Australia on a refugee visa are facing deportation.

“Ali Asqar Bakhtiyari’s wife and five children, aged 5 to 13, lost their bids for visas when the Refugee Review Tribunal refused to believe their claims that they are Afghan refugees. 

“But the tribunal accepts they are Mr Bakhtiyari’s family -- and that he is an Afghan refugee.”

Mr Bakhtiyari arrived in Australia from Afghanistan in late 1999, and was eventually granted a TPV. His wife and five children arrived in late 2000, and have been held in immigration detention in Woomera since that time. Mr Bakhtiyari lives and works in Sydney, and, due to the remoteness of the Woomera Immigration Detention Centre (“WIDC”), has been able to visit them only once since they arrived in Australia.[11] Because persons in immigration detention, or their relatives, have no enforceable statutory rights concerning the location or circumstances of the detention, a TPV holder in Mr Bakhtiyari position cannot legally compel ACM (Australasian Correctional Management, operators of the detention centres) or DIMIA to even transfer his wife and children to a more proximate immigration detention centre (“IDC”), such as Villawood, so that he may visit them regularly.

style='font-family:"Times New Roman"'>The extent to which the current visa framework operates in conjunction with mandatory detention to negate a child’s right to a unified and healthy family environment is similarly illustrated by the practical operation of bridging visas for children. The current bridging visa framework as it applies to families with children enforces an incompatibility between the release of minors from immigration detention, and family unity. Unauthorised arrivals who apply for refugee status are eligible for a subclass 051E bridging visa, which allows release from detention where the applicant: is a child under 18 years of age; is an adult over 75 years of age; has health or torture and trauma needs that cannot be met in immigration detention, or; is married to an Australian permanent resident or citizen. class=BodyText1 style='line-height:150%'> style='font-family:"Times New Roman"'>Children are thus automatically eligible for a subclass 051E bridging visa, but (unless they are unaccompanied) release will be deemed against their best interests if it would separate them from their primary care giver. Unfortunately, their primary care giver is often not eligible for a subclass 051E bridging visa unless she or he meets one of the special need criteria. Being the care giver of a minor per se does not make an asylum seeker eligible. Hence, the existing visa framework creates a “Sophie’s choice” in which a child’s best interests in being released from detention are subject to her or his best interests in remaining with the primary care giver in detention. Family break-up is made a necessary consequence of releasing children from detention in most cases of families with children, an invidious and perverse consequence that could be rectified by amending the criteria for a subclass 051E bridging visa to extend to care-givers of children.

 

Children who are temporarily or permanently deprived of their family environment shall be entitled to special protection and assistance provided by the state, including foster care consistent with the child’s ethnic, religious, cultural and linguistic background (Article 20). This provision has direct application to unaccompanied minors in immigration detention. The UNHCR Guidelines on child asylum seekers make special reference to the needs of unaccompanied minors who seek asylum. Guideline 8 stipulates that an asylum seeking child:

should be represented by an adult who is familiar with the child’s background and who would protect his/her interests. Access should also be given to a qualified legal representative…

“The interviews should be conducted by specially qualified and trained representatives of the refugee determination authority who will take into account the special situation of unaccompanied children, in order to carry out the refugee status assessment…”

 

While a discretionary bridging visa may be issued to unaccompanied minors for whom foster care arrangements have been made, there appears to be no systematic approach to ensuring that unaccompanied minors are released from detention while their asylum claims are processed. Anecdotal evidence suggests that alternatives to detention will only be conscientiously pursued if the unaccompanied child asylum seeker’s mental or physical health has deteriorated to the point where she or he is at grave risk of self-harm, or if community welfare groups have proactively sought alternatives and convinced DIMIA of their merit. In its report on the first ten years of the operation of CROC, Save the Children notes in respect of Australia:

Although the Minister for Immigration is the legal guardian for all unaccompanied minors, it is rare for this responsibility to be approached in a proactive manner.  The issue of guardianship of unaccompanied minors is usually only addressed after another agency has identified a child as being at risk of neglect or abuse…[12]

There would thus appear to be a presumption against release and foster care for unaccompanied minors, rather then a policy of ensuring “special protection and assistance.”

 

A striking example of the failure of the Minister for Immigration or his delegate to be proactive in the care and protection - including appropriate legal representation - of unaccompanied minors is provided by the facts in the case of Jaffari v Minister for Immigration and Multicultural Affairs [2001] FCA 1516 (26 October 2001). In that case, an unaccompanied minor claiming to be an Afghan national was refused refugee status by the Refugee Review Tribunal (“RRT”), and then lodged his application for judicial review out of time. He was not legally represented at the RRT, or in his efforts to lodge a judicial review application.

 

The minor was held in Curtin Detention Centre and then in Port Hedland Immigration Reception and Processing Centre. In Western Australia, the Minister for Immigration has delegated his guardianship powers and duties under the Immigration (Guardianship of Children) Act 1946 (Cth) to the Director of the Western Australian Department of Community Development.

 

In evidence to the Federal Court, a senior legal officer of the Western Australian Department of Community Development spoke about the extent of special procedures designed to ensure the protection of unaccompanied minors in immigration detention.  Her evidence was summarised by French J as follows:

In the afternoon of 5 September, Nayantara Gupta, a senior legal officer with the Western Australian Department of Community Development, attended and gave evidence, which was not disputed, about the implementation of the ministerial delegation. She said there are at present two memoranda of understanding being negotiated between the Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs ("DIMA") and the Western Australian Department of Community Development in relation to unaccompanied minors who are applicants for protection visas. One relates to unaccompanied minors released into the community on temporary protection visas. The other relates to children in detention centres and predominantly concerns what she described as ‘child protection issues’. By that term she meant ‘...concerns expressed about the health, welfare and safety of children in detention centres; for example allegations of abuse’. There had been an arrangement in place whereby DIMA advised the Department of Community Development of the presence of unaccompanied minors at the Curtin Detention Centre in Derby. That arrangement had ceased at the instigation of DIMA in mid-May. The Department was still receiving notification of the arrival of unaccompanied minors at the Port Hedland Detention Centre. Ms Gupta was unable to provide any information about whether any system of reporting was in place to monitor the time spent by minors in the detention centres. If a report were made to the Department about the condition of a particular child in detention, the Department would make contact with DIMA officers and make arrangements to assess the protection issues in respect of the child. She was not aware of any role taken by the Director or any officer of the Department in relation to applications by unaccompanied minors for protection visas. She agreed with the proposition that there is very little in the way of administrative procedures or guidelines for the implementation of the Minister's delegation by officers of the State Department.” (emphasis added).

 

French J ultimately concluded that the unaccompanied minor was out of time to lodge a review application, and because of the terms of section 477 of the Migration Act 1958, time could not be extended. Thus, the applicant was denied his review rights in this case and was at risk of removal. In his concluding comment, French J referred to UNHCR’s Guidelines on Children and observed (at paras 43-4):

It may be noted, however, that arrangements for the proper supervision of the welfare and protection of unaccompanied minors seeking asylum seem to be somewhat inchoate with a presently ill-defined role on the part of the Director of Community Development notwithstanding that the current delegation has been in place for nearly two years. Moreover there appears to be a significant discrepancy between the guidelines published by the United Nations High Commissioner on Refugees ("UNHCR") in respect of unaccompanied minors seeking asylum and the current administration of the Migration Act in relation to such persons…

“… The Act provides little in the way of the kinds of protections contemplated by the UNHCR guidelines. At the very least, there is a case for considering the provision of legal advice and assistance to unaccompanied minors up to and including the point of judicial review. It is of concern that the application for judicial review in this case was lodged by a 15 year old non-citizen and lodged out of time thus depriving him of such limited rights of review as he would otherwise have enjoyed….

 

Articles 7 and 8 of CROC also articulate a child’s right to a nationality. The matrix of laws governing the status of children born in immigration detention may have the result of rendering children stateless. Since 1986, a child born in Australia assumes the legal status of his or her parent. Children born in immigration detention are thus classified as “unlawful non-citizens”. Where the parents of a child born in immigration detention seek, and are denied, refugee status, the nationality of the child will be indeterminate.  If, as is often the case, the parents no longer have evidence of their citizenship of their country of origin (for example, where their passport has been destroyed or stolen), a child born in immigration detention may not be recognised as a national of her or his parents’ country of origin. This situation was commented upon recently by HREOC:

“The Human Rights and Equal Opportunities Commission says it would like to see more leniency in the laws relating to children born in detention in Australia. The commission says it is concerned about the growing number of children born in detention - 77 since 1989. A woman who arrived in Australia unlawfully gave birth this month while being held in detention facilities at Derby. Commission president Alice Tay says these children have very basic rights and could suffer political and social discrimination if returned to their parents' country of origin.  Professor Tay says there should be more discretion for authorities to assess each individual case under Australia's citizenship laws. "Unfortunately the amendment of the citizenship law of 1986 does not provide such discretion, it's a yes or no rule that's got to be applied without any consideration for details," she said.”

 

International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights

 

The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (“ICESCR”) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR”) contain few provisions specific to children.  Article 10 of the ICESCR requires a state party to accord:

the widest possible protection and assistance” to the family, which is “the natural and fundamental group unit of society, particularly for its establishment and while it is responsible for the care and education of dependent children.”\

 

Article 10(3) contains stipulations later elaborated in CROC, namely, that:

special measures of protection and assistance should be taken on behalf of all children and young persons without any discrimination for reasons of parentage or other conditions.

 

The discussion above concerning the inherent incompatibility of mandatory detention and associated visa measures with the protection of the family and the protection and development of children applies equally to the obligations provided for in the ICESCR.

 

1.3   International Conventions and Other Standards concerning the Deprivation of Children’s’ Liberty

It is difficult to reconcile the performance of the duties towards children referred to above (and the preservation of the rights of children), with any form of deprivation of their liberty. Unsurprisingly, the protection of children’s rights is recognised as requiring that detention or imprisonment of children be a measure of last resort, and generally only where serious crimes have been committed by the child deprived of her or his liberty.[13] This principle finds expression in several binding international conventions, and the requirements for legal protection against prolonged arbitrary detention is also a norm of customary international law.[14] 

 

Where the detention or imprisonment of a child is necessary (for example, pursuant to conviction for a serious criminal offence), several internationally agreed-upon texts establish minimum standards of treatment and care – standards which are designed to ameliorate the presumed negative consequences of the deprivation of liberty upon children, and maximise any rehabilitative effect that imprisonment is intended to achieve. It is noteworthy that these non-binding international standards are formulated to apply to children imprisoned for serious criminal conduct, reflecting the presumption that children should not be deprived of their liberty for less grave reasons. As the Australian Law Reform Commission comments in its report on children in the legal process:[15]

Detention is the most extreme end of children’s contact with legal processes. The particular characteristics of children, for example their heightened vulnerability to physical and emotional harm and different perceptions of time, make detention a more confronting and difficult experience for them than for adults.  Institutional environments, such as juvenile detention centres, can ham some children, with serious social and developmental consequences.

 
Detention as Last Resort and Subject to Special Protections

Article 37(b) of CROC is a binding standard which provides that no child shall be deprived of liberty unlawfully or arbitrarily, and “arrest, detention or imprisonment of a child shall be in conformity with the law and shall be used only as a measure of last resort and for the shortest appropriate period of time.” 

 

The Committee on the Rights of the Child, established under CROC, has adopted[16] the definition of deprivation of liberty found in rule 11 of the United Nations Rules for the Protection of Juveniles Deprived of their Liberty (“UN Rules”).[17] The rule states:

11. For the purposes of the Rules, the following definitions should apply:

(a) …

(b) The deprivation of liberty means any form of detention or imprisonment or the placement of a person in a public or private custodial setting, from which this person is not permitted to leave at will, by order of any judicial, administrative or other public authority.

 

Immigration detention in Australia clearly fits this definition, thereby attracting the operation of Article 37 of CROC.[18]

 

Children who are deprived of their liberty are to be treated “with humanity and respect for the inherent dignity of the human person, and in a manner which takes into account the needs of persons of his or her age.”[19] This may include segregation from adults where it is in the child’s best interests (Art 37(c)). Australia has entered a reservation to Article 37(c) in so far as it requires the separation of children from adults in detention.  Children are, at all times, to be protected from torture or other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment (Article 37(a)).[20] What amounts to “cruel” or “inhuman” treatment in respect is of children is of a lower threshold than for adults.[21] In the case of Vuolanne v Finland[22] the Human Rights Committee of the ICCPR held that what constitutes “inhuman or degrading treatment” depends on all the circumstances of the case, such as the duration and manner of treatment, its physical or mental effects, as well as the sex, age and state of health of the victim.

 

For example, while solitary confinement of adults is not necessarily cruel or inhuman treatment, it is reasonably considered a cruel punishment when inflicted on children, regardless of the purpose.[23] Where the quantity and quality of food provided in detention is inadequate to children’s needs, and there is an absence of space and sanitary conditions due to crowding or poor maintenance, it may amount to a prohibited form of treatment or punishment of children.[24] Further, unreasonably or unjustifiably compelling a separation of a child from one or both of her parents has been regarded as a form of cruelty.[25]

 

Children who are deprived of their liberty are entitled to prompt legal assistance, as well as “the right to challenge the legality of the deprivation of his or her liberty before a court” or other independent authority (Article 37(d)).

 

The binding obligations imposed by CROC are supplemented by non-binding UN declarations and guidelines. While not strictly creating international law obligations, these documents generally reflect internationally agreed-upon standards concerning the detention of children, and their treatment when deprived on their liberty. The relevant standards are:

  • the UNHCR Revised Guidelines on Applicable Criteria and Standards Relating to the Detention of Asylum Seekers (“UNHCR Guidelines”),
  • the UN Rules,[26]
  • the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Administration of Juvenile Justice (“the Beijing Rules”)[27], and
  • the Body of Principles for the Protection of All Persons under Any Form of Detention or Imprisonment (“the Body of Principles”).[28]

 

The Body of Principles defines a detained person as someone deprived of personal liberty except as a result of conviction for an offence.

  • It reiterates the requirement, which can reasonably be regarded as a norm of customary international law, that all detained persons be treated humanely and in accordance with their inherent dignity (Principle 1).
  • Any form of detention and all measures affecting human rights must be ordered by, and subject to, effective control by a judicial or other authority (Principle 3).
  • Judicial or other authorities should be empowered to review as appropriate the continuance of detention (Principle 11).
  • Persons detained should not be held incommunicado or denied contact with their family or counsel for more than a matter of days (Principle 15).
  • Detained persons are entitled to free medical care and treatment whenever necessary (Principle 24)
  • Detained persons shall have a right to petition a judicial or other authority for a second opinion (Principle 26).
  • Detained persons have a right to reasonable access to educational, cultural and informational material (Principle 28).

 

The UN Rules state that deprivation of the liberty of juveniles should be a disposition of last resort and “for the minimum necessary period and should be limited to exceptional cases” (Rule 2). The UN Rules are formulated with a view to “counteracting the detrimental effects of all types of detention and to fostering integration in society” (Rule 3). The presumption clearly is that detention of minors has unavoidable deleterious effects upon them, and their future capacity to contribute to society, and thus should not be used, or be strictly regulated when used as a last resort. Juveniles detained in facilities should be guaranteed the benefit of meaningful activities and programmes which “promote and sustain their health and self-respect,… foster their sense of responsibility and encourage those attitudes and skills that will assist them in developing their potential as members of society” (Rule 12).

 

Juveniles should only be detained under conditions which take full account of their particular needs, and which ensure their protection from harmful influences and risk situations (Rule 28). Juveniles should be detained separately from adults, unless detained with members of their family (Rule 29), and preference should be given to open detention with minimal security measures (Rule 30). Detained juveniles have the right to facilities and services that meet all the requirements of health and human dignity (Rule 31). They are entitled to education suited to their age and abilities (Rule 38), and to time and facilities for recreation (Rule 47). Detained juveniles should be able to satisfy their religious and spiritual needs, including visits and services by a qualified representative of their faith (Rule 48). They are entitled to preventive and remedial medical care, including dental, opthamological and mental health care, as well as pharmaceutical products and special diets. Medical facilities should be immediately accessible as the need arises. Medicines should not be administered as a form of restraint or punishment (Rules 49 - 55). Upon release, there should be measures taken to help a formerly detained juvenile integrate into society.

 

The Beijing Rules have particular relevance to minors convicted of criminal offences and subjected to custodial punishment, rather than to minors in immigration detention.  Nevertheless, the Commentary to Rule 19 of the Beijing Rules contains an important articulation of the presumption against depriving minors of their liberty:

The many adverse influences on an individual that seem unavoidable within any institutional setting evidently cannot be outbalanced by treatment efforts.  This is especially the case for juveniles, who are vulnerable to negative influences.  Moreover, the negative effects, not only of loss of liberty but also of separation from the usual social environment, are certainly more acute for juveniles than for adults because of their early stage of development.

 

The UNHCR Guidelines reject the detention of minors, including unaccompanied minors (Guideline 6). Children held in immigration detention must not be held in prison-like conditions, and all efforts should be made to have them released from detention and placed in alternative accommodation. During detention, children have the right to education, preferably outside detention premises, the right to recreation and play and the same procedural rights as adults. Guideline 5 stipulates that adults should be entitled to: have the reasons for detention and their rights in detention communicated to them; legal counsel; automatic and periodic reviews of detention; the right to challenge the deprivation of liberty; and access to local UNHCR offices, refugee bodies and advocates. Unaccompanied minors should be entitled to have a legal guardian or advisor appointed. Children in detention are also covered by Guideline 10, which requires that conditions of detention be “humane with respect shown for the inherent dignity of the person.”

 

The UNCHR Guidelines on Refugee Children referred to by French J in Jaffari v Minister for Immigration and Multicultural Affairs similarly reject the detention of minors but add that (Guideline 7.7), if children are to be detained, they should be detained only as a last resort and for the shortest appropriate period of time. While in detention, children should have the benefit of special arrangements which are oriented towards “care” not “detention”. Prison-like conditions must be avoided, and facilities “should not be located in isolated areas where culturally appropriate community resources and legal access may be unavailable.

 

It is recognition of the special vulnerability of minors, and the need for the protection of their evolving capacities, that underlies international human rights law’s preoccupation with finding alternatives to their incarceration or detention. A corollary of this is a higher standard of provision of services and facilities for minors, such that their rights to health, education, privacy and protection from abuse are indeed effectively exercisable.

 

Right to Health

 

At international law, everyone has a right to a standard of health both physical and mental of the highest possible standard that can be achieved.[29] The right of a child to health and facilities for the treatment of illness and rehabilitation of health under CROC must reach the same high standards outlined above and ensure that no child is deprived of their right to access such health care services.[30] Principle 2 of the Declaration of the Rights of the Child recognises the powerful role of the law to provide children with opportunities and facilities to enable them to develop physically and mentally in a healthy and normal manner. Both the ICESCR and CROC refer to the importance of health services aimed at the reduction of infant and child mortality. But CROC also extends the responsibility of a state to pursuing full implementation of this right for the healthy development of the child, with emphasis on appropriate measures for the development of primary health care to ensure the provision of necessary medical assistance and health care to all children. The importance of the environment and in particular the contribution of pollution to disease and malnutrition in children is identified by both the ICESCR and CROC.

 

Health staff, particularly doctors responsible for the medical care of detainees, have a duty to protect their physical and mental health by providing quality care at a standard equivalent to that afforded to members of the general community.[31] Accordingly, it is a gross contravention of medical ethics and an offence under applicable international instruments for health personnel to participate (actively or passively) in cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.[32] A medical officer should examine any juvenile who is ill or complaining of an illness or demonstrates symptoms of physical or mental difficulties promptly.[33] But any medical officer who has reason to believe that the physical or mental health of a juvenile has been, or will be, injuriously affected by any condition of detention, or a hunger strike, must make such information known to the person in charge of the detention centre and to the independent authority responsible for the well-being of the juvenile.[34]

 

Children who suffer any kind of trauma or abuse are entitled to “appropriate measures to promote [their] physical and psychological recovery and social reintegration” (CROC, Article 39). Reintegration and recuperation should occur in an environment that will foster the child’s health, self-respect and dignity.

 

Right to Privacy

 

All detainees, including children, have a right to privacy. Article 16 of CROC provides that “no child shall be subjected to arbitrary or unlawful interference with his or her privacy, family, home or correspondence.” Correspondence to detainees should not be opened by persons other than the addressee, and searches of rooms and persons should not be undertaken without substantial necessity, and reasonable to grounds to suspect concealment of a weapon or other dangerous contraband. Rule 32 of the UN Rules provides that the physical environment of detention facilities should have due regard to the need of the detainees for privacy. Rule 35 provides that the possession of personal effects is a basic element of the right to privacy and essential to the psychological well-being of the juvenile. The right to privacy is to be respected by detention personnel, who should safeguard all confidential matters concerning detainees and their families (Rule 87 (e)).

 

Training of Staff to Meet Children’s Needs

 

In all institutions in which children are deprived of their liberty, staff should be properly trained to be able to recognise and meet the special needs of children, and facilitate the exercise of their rights. This obligation is incorporated in broad form in Article 3(3) of CROC, which requires that institutions responsible for the care and protection of children conform with standards established by the competent authorities, particularly “in the number and suitability of their staff as well as competent supervision.” The UN Rules (Rules 81-87) give concrete content to this obligation, requiring that there be recruited specialists such as educators, counsellors, social workers and psychologists trained in children’s’ mental and emotional welfare, and that all staff be given some training in child psychology, international standards and the rights of the child.

 

1.4   Material indicating prima facie breach of International obligations and standards

The law and policy of mandatory detention of asylum seekers, in which there is an inflexible detention of children and their care-givers, is, on its face, inconsistent with Australia’s obligations under CROC. It is also contrary to the international standards and guidelines concerning detention of minors discussed above. Set out below is a selection of case studies from primary and secondary sources which raises, prima facie, serious breaches of children’s’ human rights, and of Australia’s international legal obligations towards child asylum seekers. The material is organised in thematic terms, in terms of the rights and obligations to which it relates.

 

1.4.1  Best Interests of the Child and Rights to a Standard of Living Adequate to Mental, Physical, Spiritual, Moral and Social Development

In a statement given to a lawyer, and appearing as an appendix to this submission, AY, a nurse and counsellor formerly employed by ACM at WIDC, stated that both the physical detention environment, and the experience of detention itself, exposed child detainees to violence and stress.  He states:

 

“I observed that all of the children in a family exhibited symptoms of anxiety   and stress at times when  their parents were suffering from anxiety. The children of each family spent very little time outside of the presence of their parents.  I also observed a high incidence of depression among detainees. I counselled up to twenty different families during my time as counsellor, and often distressed parents would bring their children to the medical clinic and words to the following effect were said:

 

‘My child is sick’

‘My child cannot sleep’

‘My child will not eat’

‘My child will not / cannot go to school’

The hard, impacted, desert, earth and the stony ground of the Compound added to the discomfort of the detainees and their children, and to their depressive mental state. The ground was often too hot to walk on, there was little shade and protection from hot and cold winds. The barrenness of the compound was often noted by the detainees to be one cause of their depression. One man said to me something to the following effect: ‘Looking out upon the barren, dry, compound grounds  makes me feel depressed. There is no water, no grass and no trees.’

Detainees, including the children, were disturbed and witnessed any violence that ensued, including verbal abuse, swearing by Officers. On several occasions detainees recounted to me in words to the following effect: ‘We were dragged and pushed from our demountables and humiliated’. A detainee, single, now released to Sydney, tearfully said to me words to the following effect: ‘My mattress was pulled from my room and my drawers  and contents turned out on the floor. Nothing was put back.’ Some detainees reported having underwent body searches. One refugee said to me, ‘The strip search was the most humiliating part of my stay in detention. When they strip searched me they just forced me to stand up against the wall with my legs apart’. I do not know whether the children witnessed strip searches but they were never protected from seeing anything and everything that was occurring in the centre … No effort ever appeared to be made to protect children from witnessing any of this.  After incidents of this nature occurred I saw  many distressed  and weeping refugees, including children. I picked up the small children in the Compound to comfort them. WAD officers said to me words to the following effect ‘Don’t pick up their children, you should not touch them – the parent will accuse you of abusing them, that’s what they do’. This type of response to my actions was not uncommon.

AV, an asylum seeker detained in Villawood Immigration Detention Center (VIDC) with a new-born child, described the effects of the climate of tension and fear on her child and children around her. In a statement to her lawyer, she said:

My husband, AX [daughter] and I have witnessed many fights between detainees and detention centre staff.

 

“My husband works in the kitchen and never goes outside to the yard.  He will only stay in our room or go to his work.  He also can’t talk about what is happening.

“Many children here are so afraid that they cannot speak.  They cannot control their bladders. They have screaming nightmares.

 

The children learn bad behaviour from each other.  Often children are very aggressive towards each other.  They hit and bite each other.  I know that is normal.  What is not normal is that the parents can do nothing about it.  All the parents are emotionally upset and cannot teach their children properly.

 

“I have seen the bigger children harass the small ones.  I worry that AX will not be able to protect herself.

 

“Since some detainees escaped, the detention centre officers (“officers”) come into our room four (4) times a night to do a head check. They barge in and turn the lights on to see and count us.  They are not mindful that a small child is sleeping. I cannot sleep in anticipation of these head counts.  They are loud and verbally abusive when they come in and they have no respect for small children sleeping.

 

“AX has become a child that wakes easily.  She is a very nervous child and is afraid of people.

“AX is my first child. I cannot be sure of what kind of personality she would have had if she had been born free but I am sure that if she remains in captivity, she will not emerge unscathed. I am afraid that she will never recover from her experiences inside Villawood.”

 

AM, an asylum seeker detained in VIDC after several months in WIDC, made the following observations in a statement to her lawyer:

“During the summer months it is unbearably hot in Woomera IDC.  The children cannot go outside to play as there is little shade and too hot to run around.  They stay inside most of the time and as they have no personal belongings, such as books and toys, there is nothing to do.

 

“I observed that my children became listless and began to show a manner of hopelessness.  They did not want to do anything active or challenging.  They were always tired and showed little interest in anything, even talking with other children of their age.

 

“Our family had to share the absolutely unfurnished dormitory with another two families. Bed sheets hung over strings were used to separate our territory from the other families.

 

“My son was allowed to ride his tricycle only within our area, but he soon lost interest in doing even that. He attended the only preschool available there. Nothing more than painting and a few toys were available for him and the other children there.

 

“We shared the dormitory for about seven months when they allowed us to live in a separate room for the whole family.

 

“At this very time he joined the primary school there. Elementary English and self-directed painting classes were the only available lessons. Very quickly he became bored and did not want to attend school.  After a few weeks he would no longer attend the school. He complained, saying:

 

‘There is nothing but classes where we paint whatever we want.  I don't want to go any more.  I want to go to a real school.  Please will you take me to a real school.’

 

“He soon began midnight awakening, startling, and having frequent panic attacks. These were frequently accompanied by bed wetting and screaming attacks, with or without weeping, while asleep.

 

“He witnessed a detainee who attempted to slash himself with a glass shard, so he rushed panicky to his father’s lap frightened, and screamed:

 

‘Take me back to the room. I can’t stay here.  Please take me back to the room now.  I can’t’

 

“After almost a year in Woomera IRPC, our family was transferred to Port Hedland Immigration Reception and Processing Centre.

 

“At Port Hedland IRPC, an English class I observed and assessed to be marginally better than the one provided in Woomera IRPC was available for him for the first couple of weeks but soon he quit attending the school there.  I observed that his interest became less as the level of the teaching services deteriorated.

 

“My son witnessed a detainee trying to mutilate himself. He rushed to us, his eyes staring and his face white.  He said words to the effect:

 

‘Take me away, take me anywhere.  Take me back to our room.  I won’t stay here.  My heart beats are accelerating, I am frightened.  I do not want to see.’

 

“My husband spent hours talking him out of his fear over this incident, trying to distract him and calm him.

 

“Such incidents were constituting our every day life there during the four months we spent in Port Hedland IRPC.  I observed that our son’s confidencediminished, his bed-wetting became more frequent and he further lost interest in eating and taking part in any social activities with other children.  His panic attacks and terrors in the night continued.

 

“Although he was a well socialised and well-mannered boy when we came to Australia, and knew how to obey, he is now showing seriously unacceptable behaviours.

 

“He awakes sometime in the middle of the night to void in the corridor or in the immediate area close to our accommodation. His speech is delayed and often incomprehensible …,He cannot articulate words properly, although before we came to Australia he showed no such symptoms.

 

“Now, some seven months after we arrived in Villawood and almost two years since we sought asylum in Australia, I observe my son’s behaviour with fear for the future.  Amongst the remarkable problems our family encounters with my son are hyperactivity, impulsiveness, aggressiveness and misbehaviour.  None of our other children were behaving like this at his age, and his own behaviour was not like this before we were put in detention.

 

AK, who worked as an Activity Officer at WIDC between April and September 2000, states that:

“There was no officer specifically dedicated to the developmental needs of children at Woomera.

“There was a budget for Activities of $1000 per week. This worked out at around $1.00 per detainee per week. I never had enough resources for the children.

“I often saw mothers and fathers crying and depressed. I witnessed many detainees suffering anxiety in the form of headaches, stomach ulcers and panic attacks.

“There were many suicide attempts while I was at Woomera. The most serious was by a man who attempted to burn his donger (demountable building) down while he lay in his bed in Sierra Compound. He was pulled out of the fire by an officer, and a large crowd of detainees witnesses the event.

“The children at Woomera were also subjected to hostility from the officers, who were largely prison staff seconded to work for  six  week periods at a time. I often heard officers refer to children  in words to the following effect:

 

‘They are all the same, they are all dangerous’

“I observed that the children who were opportunistic and selfish often
got the best of the meagre resources. The children soon learnt to grab things for themselves.

“For the six months I worked at Woomera, Australasian Correctional Management (“ACM”) had no specific policies in
place with regard to the care of children.”

 

AJ, a female teenager detained in VIDC, stated in an deposition given to a lawyer:

“I recall that up until the time that I witnessed the riots at both Woomera and Port Hedland, I had never experienced such frightening situations. In the days following both riots I had nightmares, I was waking at night, I had crying fits and overwhelming feelings of anxiety and fear. I also had the same overwhelming feelings of anxiety and fear whenever I heard the hand-held radio signals carried by the guards as they passed near my whereabouts.  I still have these feelings of anxiety and fear.  I still wake at night. I continue to have nightmares and crying fits.  I cry very easily and the crying can last for some time.

 

“Since [then] … I wet my bed every night.  I also suffer from urinary and faecal incontinence during the daytime.  I am unable to stop wetting and messing my pants.  As a young woman I find this completely humiliating.

“I recall that while in detention at all the IRPCs the guards would flash their torches on my face at night.  That experience of the guards flashing their torches on my face at night, left me without any doubt that we were being despised and punished.”

 

AD, an asylum seeker who arrived with his family in 1999 and was first detained in Curtin Immigration Detention Centre (CIDC), recounts the forcible separation of his family members from one another:

“Since we arrived in Curtin we have been moved 12 times to different rooms.  On one occasion for about a month in March 2001, I was separated from my family and put into a separate compound in the room of a family from a different country.  My wife AE, my son AF and my daughter AG were each put into different rooms with different families from our home country.

 

“I asked the 'Delta one' officer and the supervisor many times in a reasonable way that we be reunited as a family.  I made these requests everyday for about three weeks. We are a close family.  We support each other and we were all very distressed at being apart. I was so distressed that I was finally compelled to take drastic measures.

 

“I held some broken glass to my throat and demanded I be allowed to be with my family.  I was prepared to take this action of harming myself to show the ACM authorities how sad and angry I was at my family being broken up like this.  We have nothing but each other in Australia.  We must stay together to help and support each other.

 

“I believed this action was the only way to get them to take notice. I had tried everything else.

 

“ACM staff then reunited the family and allowed us to live in a room together.”

 

AD also describes the effect on his children (AF and AG) of the tension, stress and despair that characterised their place of detention:

“About five months after we arrived in Curtin, hundreds of detainees went on a hunger strike for about nine days. I observed that they were very angry, distressed and agitated.  I would use the word desperate to describe the way they appeared to me.

 

“My family was very frightened. AG and AF saw many things during that hunger strike which they still remember and which I observed changed them drastically.

 

“The children became very concerned and afraid when they saw detainees collapsing from weakness and being taken away to isolation. AG and AF both cried when they talked to me about what they'd seen; they thought the people were dying. They both said words to the effect of: ‘Father, the people are dying in here. Why are they not helped? Why do they have to do this?’

 

“During that hunger strike AG came to me and AE crying hysterically, when we could understand what she was saying, she said words to the effect of: ‘X is bleeding, he has cut himself all over his arms, they've taken him away to prison.

 

“Many people harmed themselves and cut themselves during the strike and others hung themselves. Since we have been here I would estimate that more than twenty people have tried to hang themselves. Everyone knows when this happens including the children, as many detainees run to hold the legs of the person hanging and get them down. All the detainees become very upset and depressed and talk about what has happened.

 

“During the strike I was aware of around ten people who sewed their lips together. One man Y sewed his lips together and also sewed material to his back with a painting of a dove with a flower in its beak and the words freedom written on it. AF and AG were very upset by this they were shaking and very confused. AG cried hysterically.

 

“AG and AF also saw a male detainee hang himself from a tree during the strike and this affected them very badly. They became anxious and nervous and had nightmares for a long time after the strike.

“I observed that AF and AG became more and more frightened and upset as the time passed.  AF said to his mother and me words to the effect of:

 

‘We have been here for 15 months now and they still have not told us whether we can stay here. I don’t understand why we are being treated like this?  Doesn’t anyone care about us?  They don’t think we are human.’

“In August. AF became so distressed that he said to us words to the effect of:

 

‘I have decided to go on a hunger strike. It is the only way to make them understand that we are desperate and to show Australians how we are treated.’

 

“I felt so helpless. I could not protect my children from this feeling of desperation and powerlessness. I could not make them safe.  I could not make them happy.

 

“AG said:

 

‘There is no hope and no future for us in our home country, and now it is the same in Australia.  We are locked up and forgotten.’

 

“AF sewed his lips together at the beginning of the hunger strike. We didn't know he was going to do it. My wife and I were very upset. The next day AG decided to join in the hunger strike, which lasted almost a month.

 

“The children were very weak; AG passed out several times and was unable to walk without being helped.   AG said words to the effect of:

 

‘'Are we animals that they should feed us in a cage. I don't want this food I want my freedom, that's why we go on a hunger strike. This life is worth nothing to us. It is so unfair and so cruel

 

“After one week of the hunger strike a nurse began to come to check our blood pressure. A psychologist also came after a week to tell us to end the hunger strike.

 

“On or around day 22 of the strike at around 6am AF and I were woken by officers who put there hands over our mouths and said words to the effect of:

 

‘Don’t say a word, don’t move’

 

“AF and I were very frightened and AE was screaming and AG crying hysterically. We were carried by force in our underwear by a group of about 50 officers in riot gear.  We were put into a cell in India compound.  This cell had a video camera in it.  There we were pressured to end the strike as an officer said to us words to the effect of:

 

‘If AF doesn’t unstitch his lips we will inject food through his nose.’

 

“I became very distraught and cried, begging AF to unstitch his lips.  He did so without any assistance from a doctor or nurse.

 

“After two days in isolation, AE and AG were allowed to visit us. We were all at breaking point and AE and I were extremely worried about our children. We decided there was no point to continue the strike.

 

“Since the hunger strike the children have been very unwell. We were not given any special food after the strike and had to eat the normal meals. AG, AF and I were very ill for about 10 days and vomited up most of our food. The children were weighed and we discovered that AF had lost about 13 kilos.

“I feel that the children cannot recover from this whole experience while they are still in detention. I don't know if they will ever recover. Their depression is worsened by the continuing mistreatment by ACM authorities and staff. Some of them often try to make AF angry, as they know he is nervous teenager and easily angered.

“Our children have both changed completely in the last two years. Before we came to Australia they were bright, intelligent and active. They didn't know why we had to leave our home country as AE and I thought they were too young to be told. We told them that things were difficult for our family in our home country and we were going to have a better life.”

 

AIC arrived in Australia in 1999 and sought asylum with her husband, and five of her six children.  She recounts how she and other members of her family were forcibly separated from each other as a form of punishment, and the kinds of incidents witnessed by her children (AIA, AIB, AIC, AID, AIF and AIG) while in various detention centres:

“We spent five months in Curtin IRPC.

 

“We were then moved to Port Hedland IRPC.

 

“My eldest son, is now in his early twenties.  He escaped from Port Hedland Detention Centre in 2000.

 

“In mid 2001 my four youngest children – my sons (two teenagers and a pre-teen), and my daughter(a young child), were taken to Villawood IDC.

 

“I was taken to a gaol called Curtin for 35 days.

 

“I was then taken to Villawood IDC while I was on bail, so I could see the children.

 

“I was then moved to another gaol.  I was held there for one month on remand.

 

“After my conviction for throwing stones and inciting a riot I spent a further 29 days in gaol.

 

“On my release, I was taken to Villawood IDC, where I am currently living in detention.

 

“My husband remained in gaol, having been convicted of throwing stones. He was due for release on late 2001.  We do not know at this date when we will be reunited.

“My eldest sons witnessed for the first time how adults could become weak and ill, collapsing one by one under the severe effect of hunger strike.

 

“Although medical staff were attending them, there was no response from the officials of (DIMA) as to whether they would address the demands of the protesters.

 

 “My four children witnessed many of the self harm incidents.  Detainees were making statements to the effect of:

 

‘Our protest requests are being ignored.  We are desperate.  We have no way to make the DIMA authorities listen to us.  We are forgotten in this place where Australian people cannot see us or know how we suffer and are punished.   Australian people know nothing of our conditions, yet we have committed no crime.’

 

“Some of the most fearful detainees slashed themselves with shaving razors or pieces of broken glass.  I observed that one of the protesters had slashed himself all over his body and was totally covered with blood.  I couldn’t control my panic and cried hysterically when I saw him.

 

“My two youngest children, could not control their screaming and weeping when they saw him.  They suffered panic attacks for the following day after this experience and continue to have nightmares.  They further lost confidence and became withdrawn.

“I do not know the correct date, but one day in late 2000, I believed he was in the room on his own and I became anxious.   I tried to get into the room but could not open the door.  I began screaming.  A detainee rushed to the office to get the guards. The supervisor came and tried to talk to my second eldest son.

 

“AIB cried in bitterness:

 

‘I will kill myself.  It is all your fault.  You brought us here, we trusted Australia and now we are all in prison.  I hate you for that.’

 

“I felt fear and passed out.

“I am very worried about AIF and AIG.  They are young children, still developing their personalities. In their time in Australia (now almost two years) they have already witnessed self harm incidents by many detainees.  I have observed that they regard such self harm incidents as being part of everyday life and I have observed that they have lost much of the naivety, sensitivity and gentleness that was part of their personalities before they witnessed such things.

 

“The incidents which AIF and AIG saw include, but are not restricted to:

 

·                      a detainee threatened to jump off a high power pole

·                      a detainee unremittingly slashing his body with a razor and threatening to jump off a shade awning above the door.

·                      A detainee slashing himself with a razor in front of the children

·                      A detainee slashing his chest, neck and abdomen with a razor. 

·                      A number of incidents which happened as the detainees assembled in the dining room, including a detainee wrapping himself with a white bed sheet soaked with inflammable material who then stood on a table in view of everyone in the dining room and set fire to himself.

·                      Detainees raging and destroying property (such as windows, tables, chairs, and catering equipment) as our family assembled in the dinning room with the other asylum seekers.

 

“AIG’s reaction to such experiences is always to run to me.  She turns pale, buries her face in my clothes, screaming and crying hysterically.  I have observed that she becomes terrified and emotionally distressed to a significant degree.  She sobs and says such things as:

 

‘Please, please can we leave this place now.  There must be a way for us to leave.  We cannot stay here.  This is a dreadful place.  I am frightened that this will happen to you or my father or my brothers.’

 

“AIF’s reaction has been to run and hide whenever a distressing incident happens.  We have had to search to find him and we find this an extra emotional burden on all of us as he needs so much persuasion to come out of his hiding place and so much time and effort to comfort him when we are all in this depressed and sad state of mind.  On a number of occasions, we have found him shaking and fearful.

 

“He is now socially withdrawn.  He is quiet and overly polite when he speaks to other people. He is often difficult, angry and aggressive in his dealings with me.  He was never like this before we were detained. I believe he blames his father and me for the family’s circumstances and this is causing pressures on the family.

 

“He has lost interest in going to school.  He used to love to read and learn, but now he has no energy and would rather do nothing.  He no longer wants to play in the same active and imaginative way he did before nor to make friends.  He says words to the effect of:

 

‘There is no point making friends or playing because soon my friend will be released, moved to another centre or deported.’

 

“As a mother, I have observed that the personalities of all my children’s are very different from when we arrived in Australia.  Even though my children have been in refugee camps for nine years, we have always been together as a family and free. Since coming to Australia we have been locked up and been at the mercy of a punitive system of guards, fences and razor wire.  I believe this has severely damaged my children. 

 

“My two younger children no longer laugh or play.  They are quiet and often sullen.  They are tense, withdrawn and very sad.  All of them behave in a way that shows they are dejected and depressed.  I observe the signs of tension on all their faces, especially AIA, who has had to be a protector to the younger three while my husband and I were separated from them.  I can see that AIA is uptight.  His fists are often clenched.  He is always agitated.

 

“I observe that AIB pretends to be coping, but that he is tense and depressed and I am afraid that if he witnesses another tragic or violent event, he will damage himself seriously. He pretends to smile.

 

“As a mother who has lived very closely with her family through nine years of refugee camps, I believe I have great knowledge of my children.  I observe that they have lost their resilience and will never recover from their experience inside detention centres in Australia.”

 

The above material indicates that prolonged detention of asylum seekers and their children creates an environment which is positively harmful to the interests and development of children, and the adults who care for them.  While the damaging and distressing events recounted may be attributable to the management of individual IDCs and the conduct of individual guards, it is also a direct and predictable consequence of the deprivation of liberty of large numbers of adults and children in a closed institutional setting.  The pervasive despair, self-harm, frustration and family breakdown described appears to be a product of the detention environment per se, not just the operation of particular centres, because of the enforced helplessness and confinement characteristic of closed detention.[35]  This can not be reconciled with Australia’s international obligations towards children, or the human rights of children and adult asylum seekers.  Unsurprisingly, medical[36] and child welfare experts have concluded that holding child asylum seekers and their parents in immigration detention is contrary to the child’s best interests.

 

Writing in The Age on 12 March 2002, Professor Chris Goddard, director of Monash University’s Child Abuse and Family Violence Unit, and Max Liddell, senior lecturer at Monash University’s School of Primary Health Care, stated:

There are many reasons to be concerned for the welfare of those children in Woomera. In February, after a five-day visit, the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission confirmed that Australia's detention of the then 236 children in the camp was a breach of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. It said the children were being inadequately educated, and that health services and general living standards were poor. In just two weeks, the organisation recorded 13 threats of self harm, five lip sewings, one attempted hanging and three self slashings. One 14-year-old was reported to have sewn his lips twice and slashed the word "freedom" into his arm.

 

“The HREOC Commissioner, Dr Sev Ozdowski, said in February that there were nine children who had been in Woomera for longer than one year and 70 who had been there for more than six months.

“Dr Bernice Pfitzner, who spent nine months working in the camp, said a large proportion of detainees had mental health problems.

“Although we have never seen these children, we have formed the opinion that they are at least emotionally and psychologically abused. The relevant South Australian Government website (www.cyh.sa.gov.au) tells us that ‘Emotional abuse is behaviour towards a child which destroys self-esteem, confidence and a child's sense of worth.’”[37].

 

An ACM employee recently complained to state authorities, claiming that the general environment was damaging to children’s mental health and leading to daily incidents of self-harm (Penelope Debelle and Russell Skelton, “Children Draw on their Own Trauma”, The Age, 9 April 2002).  He stated:

"The problem is that parents are often too traumatised to look after their kids. There are hunger strikes going on, detainees trying to commit suicide. Woomera is no place for children."

 

Dr Annie Sparrow said in the same article:

"I met [a child] in August and he was six months old … When I went back in January, he was still there with his family and he was barely able to crawl. He was showing all the signs of a year's worth of environmental deprivation. It is hard to convey the despair I felt when I saw this infant that had not had the proper stimulation . . . it was inhumane."

 

Dr Louise Newman, Chair of the Royal Australian and New Zealand College of Psychiatrists’ Faculty of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, concludes:

These children are spending a crucial formative period in abnormal environments with distressed care-givers.”[38]

 

1.4.2  Health Care, Nutrition and Hygiene

The statements of the asylum seekers and former detention centre workers referred to above indicate that standards of health care, nutrition and hygiene for children may fall below those required under Australia’s international law obligations.

 

AY  (the nurse and counsellor formerly employed at WIDC states:

“I was present at meal times during the hours when I was on duty at WDC. The  meals were held in a central dining hall.  I frequently heard the mothers of children complain  regarding the food supplied. One mother said words to the following effect: ‘The food is not appropriate for the children and there is not enough milk.’ Another woman stated: ‘Because of the poor quality of the food, my children have not eaten properly in days.’ Rice was provided at almost every meal. There was little variety in the diet provided. The mothers often complained regarding the monotony of the diet. One detainee said words to the effect of: ‘It is always the same, no change and the children do not like to eat it.’ They often had  difficulties in getting the children to eat it.

 

“I made numerous complaints to the kitchen about the inappropriateness of the food. I said words to the effect of: ‘The food is not very good, it is always the same. Can’t you see that they don’t like to eat it, and the children are often hungry still even if they do eat it.’ Often the response I got from Officers and Kitchen staff included words to the effect of: ‘Well that’s all there is and they’re lucky to be getting anything.’

“I recall a detainee mother in my presence asked a WDC officer on duty in the mess ‘Please can I take some food for my child. She is sick and cannot come to eat here.’  A WDC officer replied ‘If the children want food then they have to present to the kitchen. Food cannot be taken by parents, for children, back to their room. If they don’t present for meals we will declare that they are on a hunger strike and they will lose all privileges’. This was not an infrequent scenario.

“There were regular complaints from the detainees regarding the quality of the food. Often I would go into the mess to chat with detainees whilst they were eating or I would go to the kitchen when they collected their meals.  On one occasion I was present in the mess when the detainees refused to eat the food.  One of the detainees invited me to smell the food. He said: ‘Smell this, it’s off., it’s like poison and it will make us sick.’  I smelt it and it smelt rotten. There were times, when I asked the detainees ‘What are you eating?’, They, and I, could not actually identify what it was. On at least one occasion I witnessed a group of detainees throw in tandem their food to the ground because it was bad…

“After dust storms and rain the toilet bowls and floors were covered with mud and sand. Most of the time the toilets were filthy. The dirt from the camp was always inadvertently carried into the toilets and bathrooms on the shoes and feet of detainees.

 

“As I recall, very few of the windows in the compound, including the Medical Clinic, detainees’ demountable rooms and toilets, had fly screens.

 

“It was made harder for mothers to keep children clean because there was no running water in the demountable toilets and parents would have to take their children long distances to the public bathrooms for a wash, during extremes of hot and cold weather. From memory it took a good five minutes to walk to the nearest toilet, but then the detainees had to contend with it often being engaged.

 

“Diarrhoea and parasitic infestations were not uncommon such as Giardia, Enta Amoeba and worms…

 

“Plates and cutlery were not washed properly. They were washed by detainees with substandard cleaning products…”

 

AV (the asylum seeker detained at VIDC with a new-born child) described the difficulties of giving birth as a detainee, and of meeting the basic needs of a new born child in detention at VIDC:

“We were at Villawood for approximately a month before AX was born.  I was checked every week by a doctor before giving birth.

 

“I began labour pains at approximately 7am.  I was taken to Liverpool Hospital by ambulance at approximately 10am.   My daughter AX was born at approximately 3pm in the afternoon.

 

“During my labour I had no interpreter. I was unable to communicate with the hospital staff.   Nobody except hospital staff saw me for the four (4) days I was in hospital. 

 

“My husband was not allowed to come with me to the hospital or to visit me there after AX was born.

 

“On the last day I was in the hospital I became very upset and unhappy.  I could not make the hospital staff understand that I was in pain.

 

“Eventually an interpreter was summoned and I explained that I felt unwell and my breast hurt very much.   I told the interpreter that I was very unhappy and that I wanted to be with my husband. I was sent home with a carer for a day.

 

“I was very nervous about AX as she is my first child.  I was never sure about how to care for her in those first days.  On my release from hospital I returned to Villawood. I was visited by medical staff to treat my mastitis.  I suffered from mastitis for a month and a half.

 

“AX was totally breast fed. I asked some staff at to provide me with vitamins to supplement my milk. I was concerned that the quality of my milk was poor due to my inability to eat properly during that period.

 

“… [AX is now] able to eat canned baby food for her appropriate age group. The supply of baby food is very haphazard.  At times it is available at Villawood and then it is unavailable for weeks at a time. On one of these occasions I approached the kitchen staff and had a conversation using words to the following effect:

 

Q: ‘Why is there no canned food for our small children to eat?’

 

A: ‘ We have ordered it but it hasn’t arrived yet’

 

 

“At nights I have trouble sleeping. I feel constantly sad and unhappy.  A couple of times I have been so depressed that I have forgotten AX in her stroller. 

 

“I don’t eat properly.  The food I am living on is mainly fruit and bread. The doctor has told me that if I don’t eat more, I will get weaker and my milk will dry up.

“Each month someone comes from Liverpool Hospital to give AX a check up. On one of these occasions I complained that the sun is very hot and there is not enough shade for the children. The hospital people told me that I must put sunblock on her.

 

“I submitted a written request for sunblock for AX. To date, it has not arrived.

“AX has become a child that wakes easily.  She is a very nervous child and is afraid of people.

 

“Muster is at 11 AM. AX takes her nap from 11-12. I have tried to tell the officers that AX is asleep but I am told to bring her sleeping so that they can see and count her. Moving her while she is sleeping awakes her and then she becomes very tense and cranky. She isn’t allowed to sleep at night and she isn’t allowed to sleep in the day.  This makes her very tired and upset.

 

“All the families with very small children face the same problem.  There are five or six children here under the age of 2 who are treated this way.

 

“We aren’t allowed a camera to take photos of AX to send to the family.  This is our first child and we have no pictures of her.  We have even asked the officers if they can take the pictures themselves and that we will pay.  But we are always refused.

 

“There is no provision for the dietary needs of babies at Villawood. We have a cot but no other furniture or supplies. There are no high chairs, potties, baby walkers or any things like that.  Every day I receive six (6) diapers from detention centre staff.”

 

AO, a female asylum seeker who came to Australia in mid-2000 with her father, brother and four children, is detained in Port Hedland Immigration Detention Centre.  She described her experience of medical treatment for her children in a statement to her lawyer:

“The only medication available is Panadol.  My youngest son has a very sore and stiff neck at the moment.  I have been told he can only have Panadol.

 

“Recently another child hit AU on the back of the head so hard that he was vomiting.  AU told me that the other child hit him and so he hit back.  AU saw the doctor five days after the incident.

 

“All three children have suffered from colds and flu over the past three months.  They have been given no treatment, except on one occasion, when AU was having trouble breathing, they gave him a spray.”

 

Former Activity Officer AK states that:

“I recall that about five (5) babies were born at Woomera in 2000.  I helped to organise some baby showers for the anxious fathers who had to wait at the camp while their wives went to hospital.

 

It was a dusty and dirty place to have small children. The detainees lived in 'dongers', demountable buildings in the dirt.

 

I often saw children getting into trouble for getting dirty or throwing stones, when there was nothing else for them to do.”

 

Medical professional bodies have commented on the difficulty of obtaining access to detainees, even where a medical practitioner is offering to consult free of charge.[39]  Detainees do not have the opportunity to seek a second opinion, or even follow up care after consultation with a specialist.  Dr Annie Sparrow, a paediatrician who left Woomera in January 2002, commented in The Age[40] that in WIDC there were four toilets for 300 people in the main compound, three psychologists and one full-time doctor.  She states:

“It was a completely ludicrous situation.  One doctor to 800 may be a normal ratio in a healthy community, but residents at Woomera are psychologically traumatised, many are depressed and in need of constant counselling and support.  Children are damaged in ways that we cannot even assess at this point.”

Psychiatrist Rosa Bolonga is quoted in the same article as stating that it was impossible to treat children or adults with psychiatric problems in the detention environment.  She quit Woomera after five weeks because it was “professionally and ethically impossible” to practise “in a situation she likened to trying to administer therapy to ‘soldiers in the middle of a battle.’”  This situation has resulted in the Royal Australian and New Zealand College of Psychiatrists issuing to its members a warning to that it may be unethical to treat detainees in this situation. According to the College, the treatment of detainees may amount to collaboration in the circumstances of their detention.

 

 

1.4.3  Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment

The statements of detainees and former detention centre staff also describe disturbing incidents which, if proven, would fall within the meaning of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment.

 

AY (the former nurse and counsellor at WIDC) recounts:

“In or about August 2000 I saw a young boy who had been taken by officers to Sierra Compound as a punishment for being cheeky to an officer.  Sierra Compound, known as the punishment compound, is an area of approx 150 by 50 meters, surrounded by double fences, one of which was ‘palisade fencing’.  The immediate plan by ACM was to place double edged wire (designed to slash a person who attempts to pass through it) between the two fences to not only prevent escape but cause injury to anyone who attempted to escape. Some of this wire had already been installed in another compounds. I was advised that this wire is used in maximum security prisons.  I entered the compound and observed that the boy had been forced to stand spread legged and spread armed against a demountable for at least 10-15 minutes. When he tried to speak he was repeatedly told to “shut up.”

 

The child was told that he would be  put on 24 hour watch for his bad behaviour. A 24 hour watch means  that a detainee has  a guard with him at all times and must stay in his room without “toilet privileges”, i.e. he could only attend the toilet in the presence of an officer.

 

I fervently believe that it is damaging to a child to be treated in this manner , enclosed in an area of that nature,  and  forced to remain there and denied unaccompanied access to a toilet.”

 

AD (the asylum seeker first detained in CIDC) states that his son, AF, was provoked and then assaulted by detention centre guards in CIDC:

“One day AF came to me, AF was very upset, he had bruises on his shoulder and his whole body was shaking. He told me what had happened, saying words to the effect of:

 

‘I went to get my dinner in the mess hall. An officer said that I had to wait in the queue. My friends where inside and I went past the officer to my friends. An officer came to me and pushed me against the wall and elbowed me in the stomach he said ‘if  you try to come in I will throw you on the floor’. He put his hand on my back and tried to push me outside, I pushed the officer’s hand away. I tried again to go back and two other officers came and together they threw me on the floor and pushed me down with my arm twisted behind my back. Three or four other friends came, they took me away from the officers and took me out of the mess while the officers shouted after us. When I went outside I realized that my bracelet had fallen off in the mess so I went back to get it. I asked the officer at the door if I could go and get it, the officer said yes, so I went inside the door and picked it up. When I tried to go back outside a Canadian officer and another officer stood in front of me and would not let me pass. They stood in a threatening way and pushed me against the wall. I became very angry and lifted up a table and all the plastic plates fell on the floor.  The Canadian officer then grabbed my arm and threw me on the floor; he held my hands behind my back and pushed me into the floor. My wrists and shoulder hurt a lot. My friends saw this and ran back inside to get me and take me outside.

 

‘AF’s friend came back with AF and told me what had happened using words to the effect of: “It’s not AF’s fault, the officer started to stir him up. AF didn’t do anything wrong. The officers pushed him I saw it happen, they threw AF on the floor. Now they are investigating AF”’’

 

AIC (who arrived in Australia as an asylum seeker in 1999 with her husband and five of her six children) and her family experienced a series of incidents at the hands of detention centre guards.  These included the use of isolation as a form of punishment, punitive use of restraints, and other assaults:

“In mid 2000, my son, AIA, joined a protest with about 80 other detainees in knocking down the fence for a walkout in attempt to make DIMA acknowledge the plight of detainees.  Those 80 or so detainees, including my son, marched for about half an hour before the Federal Police surrounded them. He said to me words to the effect of:

 

‘We must do this so the Australian people will know what is happening to us in Port Hedland’

 

“Later, my eldest son told me about this terrible [event] in words to the following effect:

 

‘I was terrified.  I saw a couple of big-bodied officers fiercely beating Mr, from Iran who is currently detained in Villawood.  They just kept beating him and beating him in such a long session of cruel violence that I thought he might be killed. After they finished beating him, they handcuffed his hands and legs and took him away.’

 

‘We were all beaten, kicked and returned to the centre.’

 

“I observed the distress of my son after this incident and he said to me words to the effect of:

 

‘I cannot get this picture and Mr ’s screams and fear out of my mind.  It keeps me awake at night, and it comes into my head during the day.’

 

“My eldest son was detained for a week in Juliet Compound as a punishment for taking part in this walkout.  He was then moved to “K Block” which is another punitive cell block. When he was returned to the main compound after three days in K Block, he said to me words to the effect of:

 

‘They put me in solitary confinement with no toilet or washing facilities.  They gave me only a thin blanket but the cell was air conditioned to such a cold temperature I thought I would freeze.  I shivered and tried to warm myself, but I could not stop shivering.  I requested the guards to lower the temperature, but they refused.’

“Later that year, my husband and AIA were taken from our compound to Juliet compound where they were held.  We were given no reason for this. The three youngest children, remained with me in the main compound.

 

“The rest of the detainees at Port Hedland IRPC began a hunger strike because they believed my husband, our sons and their friends were being punished without anyone having been told why. When they were released my husband was still very sad and angry. He said to me words to the effect of:

 

‘They still have not explained to us why we were punished.

 

“My husband and AIA were released from Juliet compound and returned to the main compound.

 

“The next month, some 20-25 CERT (“Centre Emergency Rescue Team”) staff broke into our rooms and handcuffed AIA, AIB, AID, and me.  They dragged my daughter, then aged five, off her bed by her shirt, and together with our youngest son we were driven to Juliet compound. I observed an officer filming us with a video camera.  We later discovered that another family, who were our friends, were handcuffed and taken also. They were taken to Maribyrnong Detention Centre in Melbourne.

 

“After AID and AIA and AIB were released from Juliet compound, AID told me how he and AIA and AIB were taken there. He said to me words to the effect of:

 

‘A large group of the centre’s CERT staff wearing full riot gear rushed into the compound. We were not told why. These men put plastic handcuffs on us.’

 

‘The handcuffs are hard plastic with serrated teeth sloping backwards.  The CERT staff put them on us as tightly as they could and they cut into our wrists. We cried out in pain. We were taken to Juliet Compound.’

 

‘Members of another asylum seeker family who have the same name as us but are not related, (three teenagers and their father) were handcuffed with us.  We later found out they had been taken to Maribyrnong’

 

“Later that same day, my son, told me of his experience in solitary confinement in Juliet Compound describing the place in words such as:

 

“Juliet Compound is for punishment, it has solitary cells and the conditions are very bad.  The showers don’t work and only one person at a time can go to the shower/toilet block. It is horrible and frightening to be locked in Juliet block.  The worse thing is that you don’t know how long you will be in there or what might happen to you next, where you’ll be taken, or where you might end up. You have nothing to do but sit and think about what might happen to you.  The guards won’t tell you anything.’

 

“Later, after AID and AIA and AIB were released, my husband told me words to the effect:

 

“AIB was put in a cell with me.  AIA and AIE (the oldest son) were each put into individual solitary confinement cells.

 

“They had to release the second eldest after 10 days because his mental health was seriously deteriorating.

 

“AID and AIA were released after 15 days.

 

“We spent 10 days in Juliet Compound and for the first two days I continually begged the guards saying words to the effect of:

 

‘Please open the door so the children can use the toilet.’

 

“The toilet was located outside the cell.  For the first two days this request was refused or ignored.  I found a plastic bag in the cell and the children had to use this as a toilet.  I regarded this as unhygienic and humiliating so I starved myself for two days as a protest.  Only then the guards would allow the children to use the toilet.

 

“I had to insist that the children continue to eat their meals as they wanted to support me and go on a hunger strike. I had to be very firm with them.  They said to me words to the effect of:  

 

‘It is so terrible being here.  We are frightened and sad.  Why have they locked us up?  We have not done anything wrong.  We want to starve with you to show them how bad it is here.’

 

“AIA later described to me his experience in detention.  He said words to the effect of: 

 

‘I needed to go to the toilet and called the guards.  After a few minutes four guards came rushing down the corridor.  They broke into my cell wearing CERT gear and armed with blocking cushions.  They pushed me back and held me against the wall.  One guard held my legs, the other held my hands behind my back.  A third guard used his arm to encircle my neck and hold me tightly.  I thought I would choke.  The fourth guard swore viciously at me.

 

‘When I answered back, the officer punched me on the nose and the left eyebrow.  My face was bruised and sore around the nose, and the middle of the face.’

 

“In late 2000, our family lodged a complaint against the ACM to the Federal Police.  The incident was registered but to date I have had no response conveyed to me as to the finding.”

“In early-mid 2001 AIB had developed a skin lesion.  He then developed an allergic reaction to a cream prescribed by a nurse. He said to me words to the effect of: 

 

‘I went to the medical centre to seek the advice of another nurse who was in attendance.  She refused to see me until I brought her my identification card even after she realised that I don’t have such a card.   Instead she insisted I go and get a new one before she would consider looking at my allergy.  I was frustrated at the sense of injustice. 

 

‘I decided to harm myself to show her how much her treatment was affecting me.  She called the guards to lock me out.’

 

“AIA further explained the incident in words to the following effect:

 

‘I passed by coincidentally just as she called the guards and I tried to calm AIB down when the Operations Manager attended the scene.  He threatened both of us and I believe he was purposely provoking us to react. I managed to hold on to my temper and sat on the concrete waiting for the guard to open the gate so we could both return to our room. At that moment our father walked near.  He asked me, using words such as:  “What is happening”’ 

 

‘I advanced towards the fence intending to explain to him what was going on and to reassure him. The guard behind us jumped forward immediately.  He held me by the neck fiercely.  I lost my temper and turned back to the officer when a further eight officers rushed forward.  They beat me and AIB.  Dad climbed over the fence with two other detainees and released our hands and feet from the guards’ hands when another officer hastily opened the gate and let them out.”

 

“A few days later, AIA witnessed an incident that happened to his friend, and his friend’s father.

 

“AIA described what happened to him and his friend’s family, using words to the following effect:

 

‘My friend’s family were beaten and knocked to the ground.  The guards put their feet on their bodies, holding them like that until they handcuffed them. I became hysterical and broke one of the windows.  I seized a stick and, with a group of detainees, I managed to use it to make a hole in the fence. 

 

‘We made our way towards my friend’s family to try to rescue them when CERT staff, armed with hard plastic coated metal batons about an arm’s length long (maybe 70-80 centimetres) blocked our way by standing across the path leading to the family barracks.’

 

“This scene of the geared-up squad marching angrily through the family compound sent the children into a real panic.  They were terrified and ran in every direction to hide.”

1.4.4  Needs of Disabled Children

The experience of AO (the female asylum seeker detained in Port Hedland), whose children appear to have intellectual disabilities, suggests that no provision whatsoever is made for child asylum seekers with disabilities:

“My three youngest children have intellectual disabilities. Mentally they are not able to distinguish between bad and good.  They don't function as normal children, i.e. they have bad memories.

 

“AS just learnt to write the alphabet.  She cannot read.  The two younger children cannot read or write.  None of the children can understand maths.

 

“They have trouble speaking - bad grammar, short sentences, problems with long words.  A doctor in my home country said they need speech therapy.

 

“The children never went to school in my home country.  They were not accepted and were not allowed to go to school.

 

“Since arriving in Port Hedland IRPC the children's emotional and mental conditions have worsened. 

 

“The three youngest children attended school in the Detention Centre for the first four weeks.  Other children made fun of them and hit them.

 

“AS used to cry a lot and now spends all the time in the room.  The two boys now also spend all day in their room.

 

“I have argued with the Department of Immigration staff about the children and told them they need special classes.

 

“The teachers have found it too difficult to handle the children.  I spoke to the teacher myself after the teacher told me that the children could not go to school.  He told me their mental capacity is 2 years old.  That teacher has now left the camp.

 

“I spoke to both DIMA and ACM about the children.  The DIMA staff said they would see if we can get permission to leave the Detention Centre to get outside help.  2 weeks ago I was told that permission had been refused.

 

“The children now sit all day in their rooms, mainly drawing.  They watch T.V. at night in the hall.

 

“The boys go out occasionally and play with a ball.  In the evenings I take the eldest son out to play soccer as he has shown some interest. We do this after dinner as it is too hot during the day.

 

“The girl stays in her room all day. 

“The other children in the Detention Centre are taken out every Wednesday, (mainly the girls) - out to the swimming pool or to the beach.

 

“My children are not allowed to go on these excursions.  They have never been taken.  This makes them very upset and they can't understand why they are being treated differently.

 

“I often hide it from the boys, but they still find out and start crying, "Why aren't we taken too? "

“AU does not play with his age group. They tease him. 

 

“He does everything with me.  He sleeps with me; plays with me; walks with me everywhere.  He won't leave my side.

 

“One other man who I trust takes him to play soccer sometimes.

 

“He never sleeps peacefully.  He constantly awakens and jumps and is frightened.  Sometimes he asks me when he wakes "Who are you?" and he is frightened.

 

“I've asked the nurse to help but she says there is nothing she can do.

 

“AU wants to go to school, but they will not let him.

 

“He cries a lot and spends all of his time with me.”

 

1.4.5   Legal Assistance and Judicial Scrutiny of Detention

The detention of asylum seekers is not subject to judicial review, and no court has the power to order the release of an asylum seeker, even on exceptional grounds of health or special need.  There are no maximum time limits placed on detention.  Asylum seekers do not have access to legal aid or legal advice (except where provided voluntarily) to challenge their conditions of detention, or treatment in detention.  As such, all asylum seekers, including children, are denied effective review of, and remedies for, their detention. 

 

The practice of separation detention also remains universal, and effectively impedes access to legal counsel. Separation detention is the practice whereby new detainees are isolated from the main population of the detention centre for the purposes of ‘screening out’ those detainees who do not, in DIMIA’s view, immediately engage Australia’s international protection obligations (see below). As HREOC found in its Report No.12 (Report of an Inquiry into a Complaint of Acts or Practices Inconsistent with or Contrary to Human Rights in an Immigration Detention Centre, persons in separation detention are denied visits by friends or family and prevented from using the telephone, obtaining news and receiving correspondence.  Requests for legal assistance are not responded to in a timely manner, and the period of separation detention can be indeterminate and the reasons for it not adequately explained.

 

Unaccompanied minors may be given immigration advice in respect of protection visa applications, but no legal representative is appointed to represent their individual needs and interests in detention.  In respect of their mental and physical well-being, as well as their treatment in detention, unaccompanied minors are reliant on an hoc voluntary legal support offered by lawyers acting pro bono.

 

1.4.6  Privacy

Within the detention environment, detainees’ right to privacy appears to be largely absent. Rooms are searched at the discretion of detention centre management, and without any mechanisms for accountability.  AY (the former nurse and counsellor at WIDC) states:

“There were frequent raids on the detainees’ rooms by the WDC officers. These were weekly raids – some formally organized, some informally. Raids took place at any time during the day usually without notice to detainees. Almost all families were raided at least at one time or another. Children were not spared as they spent most of their time with their parents. The children saw and heard everything. Sometimes the raids occurred in the evening

 

“One day I was in the staff room when a large, male WDC Officer came in and said “Look what I’ve found.” He held up a couple of small sachets of jam and sugar which he had confiscated from a room.”

 

During searches, personal effects may be confiscated, and without a right of review.  Doors have been removed from rooms in Maribyrnong Immigration Detention Centre and WIDC to allow for spot searches.  “Head counts” and other practices often entail intrusion into the family quarters at times when children are sleeping.  The Migration Act allows strip searches of adults, and of children, in certain circumstances.  Families, or other detainees, cannot meaningfully exercise the right to privacy.

 

1.4.7   Training and Conduct of Detention Centre Staff

AY comments that the behaviour of detention centre staff was often inappropriate and sadistic: 

“On many occasions I heard offensive language used in the presence of children. WDC officers often used the words “fuck” in the presence of children in the course of conversation between themselves. The children picked up this language and I heard them often use these words in the compound. I rarely heard adult detainees use these words.

 

“Binge drinking was common amongst some officers after work. They attended the clinic the morning for panadol and vitamins such as Berocca as a quick fix for a hangover. An officer said to me: ‘I’m here for a cocktail.’ Another officer put it in words to the following effect: ‘I need a pick me up.’ And another: ‘Got a brew for me.’ Requests of this nature from the WDC officers were not uncommon. Children were in the clinic at the time when the officers came in. Sometimes there was physical abuse and violence in the clinic  when  detainees were upset or distressed. I recall on one occasion an altercation broke out between a detainee who was suffering from acute depression… The WDC officers assailed him, bringing him to the ground and breaking his arm. This incident occurred in the middle of the day at a time when  the children were in the compound and witnessed the actions of the WDC officers towards this detainee.

 

“I observed throughout my employment constant verbal tormenting of detainees by WDC staff. WDC officers said words to the following effect: ‘If you don’t behave we’ll send you back to Iraq’, and; ‘Fuck off, I don’t want to see you at this gate asking for anything else.’ … In or around late  2000 some detainees said to me, ‘The guards stood there and sang to us  - leaving on a jet plane going back to Saddam Hussein.’  A number of these detainees were Iraqi men who had been  traumatised by events in their homeland.

 

Russell Skelton, in his article of 18 March 2002 concerning WIDC, reports:

“Compounding problems with inadequate facilities are deep conflicts between security staff, with their ‘correctional mentality’, and health and welfare providers, who are derisively referred to as the "care bears".

 

“Security staff regard the detainees as undeserving law breakers with no rights and are trained to intervene in situations with speed and maximum force. One officer who was thought to be too cordial with detainees in the high-security Oscar compound was ordered to watch a video of hardened US jail inmates manipulating warders.

 

“A former correctional officer employed at Woomera said: ‘ACM's training is utterly inappropriate and based on a prison model. Many guards view the detainees as criminals and are warned to always expect resistance. They go into a CERT (critical emergency response) togged up in riot gear and prepared to use force in situations best controlled by simply talking to people.’”

 

In August 2001, the Australian Workers’ Union Occupational Health and Safety director, Yossi Berger, reported that guards as Port Hedland were “fatigued, poorly trained, at times distressed and sometimes abused … Officers are exploited by ACM and opportunistically managed” and ACM was seeking to save money by limiting training.  His survey showed that 95 per cent of Port Hedland officers believed their training was inadequate.[41]

 



 

Chapter Two

Domestic framework for detention

 

This section describes the current framework under which asylum seekers are detained in Australia. It sets out the variety of legal mechanisms which directly govern detention, and also the legal standards which overlap with those mechanisms outside of the migration context. Finally, it discusses the constitutional issues which are raised by detention, and in particular, whether the mandatory detention of asylum seekers can be said to be authorised under the Constitution.

 

1.5   Relevant legal rules outside the migration context

Outside of the migration context there are a number of other legal rules which impact upon the detention of children. These can be divided into two broad groups: those standards relevant to the treatment of children, and those standards relevant to conditions of prisoners and persons in detention.

 

1.5.1  Standards relevant to treatment of children

Guardianship rules

At common law guardianship equates to the powers, duties and responsibilities of a good parent.  The jurisdiction of courts to intervene lay in the Sovereign’s duty as parens patriae to protect subjects who were unable to protect themselves.  This power was delegated to the Lord Chancellor and then to the Chancery Courts.  In Australia the jurisdiction resides in the Family Court of Australia (in respect of children of a marriage) and in the Supreme Courts (in respect of ex-nuptial children).  This jurisdiction is variously described as the parens patriae jurisdiction, wards of court jurisdiction, or the welfare jurisdiction, but these terms are essentially interchangeable.

 

Where it is claimed that a child is in need of protection, the relevant court may intervene and either become the formal guardian or appoint another person as guardian who acts subject to the supervision of the court.

 

As this was a common law development it has retained its great flexibility to adapt to changing needs and circumstances.  The Supreme Courts still retain that power (albeit within a more limited scope) as part of their inherent jurisdiction.  The jurisdiction is conferred on the Family Court by statute.  The decision of Justice North of the Federal Court in X & Y v the Minister for Immigration (1999) 92 FCR 524 indicates that at least in relation to unaccompanied minors, the Federal Court has jurisdiction through section 39B (1A)(c) of the Judiciary Act.  It is not clear, however, whether the Federal Court has guardianship or other similar jurisdiction in relation to other minor detainees, that is, in relation to those children in Australia whose parents or other guardian are in detention.

 

The parens patriae jurisdiction provides the relevant court with the full range of rights, powers and responsibilities which would be exercised by an adult in respect of the welfare of the child within the adult’s guardianship, and it is guided by the welfare of the child as the paramount consideration.  While historically it was directed to the protection of the property of a minor, it has now for some time extended to the protection of the child from any relevant or anticipated danger or harm.

 

An application in the parens patriae jurisdiction may be made by a relative or other person having a recognisable “interest” in the welfare of the child.  Alternatively, the child himself or herself could apply (if necessary without a next friend) if that child is able to give instructions.

 

In practical terms, a distinction is often drawn between guardianship and custody, guardianship being directed to issues of the longer term welfare of the child and custody to issues of daily care and control.

 

So far as the family law jurisdiction is concerned, these terms were included in the Family Law Act in 1983. Pursuant to that Act, guardianship was defined to mean the long term welfare of the child and all the powers, rights and duties that are vested by custom or law in a guardian, and custody to mean issues of daily care and control.

 

Those definitions have been followed in the child protection legislation of some of the States and Territories.  Under that legislation (see, for example, the Children and Young Person’s Act 1989 (Vic)), the departmental head may become the guardian of the child or may ask the Children’s Court to make an order directing guardianship or custody to a third party.[42]

 

Guardianship of child detainees

 

In addition to the duty of care which the Minister and the Department of Immigration has towards all children in immigration detention, the Immigration and Guardianship of Children Act 1946 (Cth) provides that the Minister for Immigration is the guardian of non-citizen children who enter Australia outside of the care of relatives. Although the power may be delegated to State authorities, essentially it resides in that Minister.  In that capacity, the Minister is obligated to fulfill the responsibilities and duties of a good guardian and, unless there are Commonwealth statutory provisions to the contrary, may be amenable to challenge in the courts if it is apprehended that the standard of guardianship falls below an appropriate level.

 

Recognising their particular vulnerability, the Department of Immigration claims to have in place special arrangements for UAMs in immigration detention. Among those special arrangements, the Department endeavors, where possible to place UAMs, with adults willing and able to take a caring and mentoring role in relation to the child. Nevertheless, while the government clearly acknowledges that UAMs need particular care, no apparent justification is offered in suppport of the fact that UAMs are held in immigration detention in the first place, rather than being released into the community on bridging visas. The only basis offered is the government’s view that the best interests of a child are served by having them remain in the company of their compatriots.

 

The guardianship position of children who are accompanied by either their parents or other suitable adults, and who are in detention, is not clear.  Presumably the parents continue to remain the child’s guardians, but in practical terms the Minister exercises all the powers of a guardian and custodian in respect of such children and, arguably, may be amenable to challenge if it were considered that the circumstances of the detention fell below an appropriate standard.  This would be, however, subject to statutory provisions to the contrary.

 

The jurisdiction of the relevant courts relates to any minor who is present within the jurisdiction other than for transitory purposes (though in that case jurisdiction would include circumstances of imminent danger):  Re P [1965] Ch 568.  The UK courts have held that the relevant courts had jurisdiction to make an order for the custody, education and maintenance of a child ordinarily resident within the jurisdiction although not a British subject.  An alien infant ordinarily resident in the United Kingdom owes allegiance to the Crown and, as a corollary of that, has a right to the protection of the Crown and the jurisdiction of the courts.  This approach was generally approved by the House of Lords in Re S [1997] 4 All ER 251 at 259.  But in Re Mohammed Arif [1968] Ch 643, the court made it clear that the wardship jurisdiction should not be used to undermine the immigration legislation which provided a code and which entrusted its administration to the minister and department so long as they exercised their powers honestly and reasonably.

 

Child welfare legislation

State authorities with responsibilities for child welfare and protection also have responsibilities for children held in immigration detention centres in their states.  The DIMIA website states that DIMIA is currently working to develop Memoranda of Understanding (MOUs) between DIMIA and a number of state welfare authorities regarding appropriate protocols relating to children held in immigration detention centres, to provide the framework for a cooperative approach for the care of children in immigration detention.

 

The Flood Report[43] recommended that MOUs between DIMIA and each of the state child welfare and protection authorities be developed so as to clarify the roles and responsibilities of each party in cases where state authorities recommend that a child be removed from an immigration detention centre.  It is not clear why, in March 2002, two years after the report was released, negotiations regarding the development of MOUs are continuing and, as a result, no MOUs are yet in place. Further, no statement appears to have been made regarding the progress of the current negotiations.

 

State legislative requirements

 

Victoria

 

Pursuant to section 64 of the Children and Young Persons Act 1989 (Vic) (CYPA/VIC) people working in a number of specified occupations must report beliefs (that is, beliefs formed on reasonable grounds) that:

 

·                     a child has suffered, or is likely to suffer, significant harm as a result of physical injury and the child’s parents have not protected, or are unlikely to protect, the child from harm of that type; or

·                     a child has suffered, or is likely to suffer, significant harm as a result of sexual abuse and the child’s parents have not protected, or are unlikely to protect, the child from harm of that type.

 

The CYPA/VIC states that such suspicions must be reported if formed in the course of a person’s employment. People failing to notify suspicions may be fined.

 

Occupations to which the reporting requirement applies include: registered medical practitioners; registered psychologists or probationary psychologists; registered nurses; registered teachers; head teachers or principals of State schools; proprietors of, or people with a post-secondary qualification in the care, education or minding of children who are employed by a children's service; people with a post-secondary qualification in youth, social or welfare work who work in the health, education, community or welfare services field; people employed in the Public Sector to perform the duties of a youth and child welfare worker; members of the police force; probation officers; and youth parole officers.

 

New South Wales

 

Section 27 of The Children and Young Persons (Care and Protection) Act 1998 (NSW) (CYPA/NSW) requires people who hold management positions in organisations that deliver, or who themselves deliver,health care, welfare, education, children's services, residential services, or law enforcement, wholly or partly, to children, to report in cases where:

 

·                     they suspect on reasonable grounds that a child is at risk of harm; and

·                     that suspicion is formed in the course of the person’s work.

 

At risk of harm is defined in the CYPA/NSW as including actual harm or the possibility of physical, sexual or psychological harm.

 

Western Australia

 

There is no legislative requirement in Western Australia to report suspicions of child abuse to the Department of Family and Children’s Services (FCS).  While FCS has in place arrangements with a number of agencies where relevant officers report suspicions to FCS), no such arrangement currently exists for immigration detention facilities in Western Australia.

 

South Australia

 

Pursuant to section 11(1) of the Children’s Protection Act 1993 (SA) (CPA/SA) people working in a number of specified occupations must notify Family and Youth Services (FAYS) as soon as practicable after he or she forms the suspicion if:

 

·                     he or she suspects on reasonable grounds that a child has been, or is being abused or neglected; and

·                     that suspicion is formed in the course of the person’s work(whether paid or voluntary) or in carrying out of official duties.

 

Abuse or neglect have corresponding meanings under the CPA/SA and are definedin relation to a child as including:

 

·                     sexual abuse; and

·                     physical abuse, emotional abuse, or neglect of the childto the extent that: 

-        the child has suffered, or is likely to suffer, physical or psychological injury detrimental to the child's well-being; or

-        the child's physical or psychological development is in jeopardy.

 

Failure to notify is an offence under the CPA/SA. Themaximum penalty for failing to report an offence is $2,500. Section 12 of the CPA/SA provides that people who report suspected instances of child abuse are immune from civil liability if they report their suspicion in good faith.

 

Occupations to which the reporting requirement applies include (see section 11(2)):

·                     medical practitioners;

·                     registered or enrolled nurses;

·                     dentists;

·                     psychologists;

·                     members of the police force;

·                     community corrections officers (officers or employees of an administrative unit of the Public Service whose duties include the supervision of young or adult offenders in the community);

·                     social workers;

·                     teachers in any educational institution (including a kindergarten);

·                     approved family day care providers;

·                     any other people who are employees of, or volunteers in, a government department, agency or instrumentality, or a local government or non‑government agency, that provides health, welfare, education, child care or residential services wholly or partly for children.

 

Sections 15 and 17 of the CPA/SA provide thata member of the police force, or an employee of the Department for Family and Community Services (DFCS) authorised by the Minister to exercise powers under the CPA/SA, may remove the child from the guardian or guardians, using such force (including breaking into premises) as is reasonably necessary for the purpose if he or she believes on reasonable grounds:

:

 

·                     that the safety of a child who is in the company of his or her guardian or guardians is in imminent danger; and

·                     that the child is a child who is at risk.

 

 

Section 15 and 16 of the CPA/SA provides that if an officer believes on reasonable grounds:

 

·                     that a child is in a situation such that, if not removed pursuant to this section, the child's safety would be in serious danger; and

·                     the child is not in the company of any of his or her guardians,

 

that officer may remove the child from any premises or place, using such force (including breaking into premises) as is reasonably necessary for the purpose.

 

Section 37 of the Act provides if the DFCS Minister is of the opinion

 

·                     that a child is at risk; and

·                     that a Court Order should be made in respect of the child to secure his or her care and protection,

 

the Minister may apply to the Youth Court (YC/SA) for such an order under section 38.

 

If the YC/SA finds that a child is at risk because a person other than the guardian with whom the child resides has abused, neglected or threatened the child, the YC/SA cannot make an order removing the child from the guardianship or custody of the guardians with whom the child resides unless satisfied they knew, or ought to have known, of the abuse, neglect or threats.  Where the CEO/DFCSC or some other specified person or authority is, by order of the YC/SA, to supervise a child who has entered into an undertaking, the supervisor may exercise such powers as the DFCS Minister authorises either generally or in relation to a particular supervisor.

 

Practical operation of mechanisms

 

The Flood report noted that legal advice received by DIMIA and state authorities had confirmed that child welfare agencies such as FAYS were legally empowered to investigate child abuse allegations in Commonwealth detention facilities.

 

However, the report acknowledged that difficulties may arise if child welfare authorities sought to remove a child from a detention facility, as the state legislation empowering that removal may be inconsistent with the Migration Act, which requires the mandatory detention of “unlawful” non-citizen children. 

 

Moreover, there are severe practical limitations on the effectiveness of state child protection mechanisms. Currently, if a state authority investigates an allegation of child abuse in a detention facility and recommends the child’s removal, DIMIA can:

 

·                     move the child and family to another detention facility or location which DIMIA declares  a place of detention; or

·                     release the child into the community on a Bridging Visa.

 

This lack of clarity between the role of the police and that of child welfare authorities in relation to immigration detention facilities has resulted in a critical absence of ordinary accountability in relation to child detainees. State child welfare legislation is rarely invoked in practice, even though situations in detention often give rise to the real possibility of emotional or psychological harm being caused to child detainees. The rights of entry and investigation enjoyed by state welfare agencies are not exercised at IDCs, with those entities preferring to rely on “permission” from the Commonwealth government before they act.

 

These problems are exacerbated by the fact DIMIA does not apply relevant state laws and, as the following examples illustrate, is not pro-active in arranging alternative accommodation for child detainees or UAMs at risk. DIMIA is only ever reactive: where community groups raise concerns; where serious health risks (mental or physical) are imminent, or; , where a proposal of alternative accommodation is actually put in place. This passive attitude is not a proper discharge of the Department or the Minister’s guardianship responsibilities.

 

Example 1

 

On Monday 18 December 2000, the DHS/SA issued a Media Statement regarding the FAYS investigation into allegations of sexual abuse of a 12 year old detainee by his father and other men at Woomera IRPC.  DHS/SA Chief Executive Christine Charles said the investigation was launched following the receipt by DHS/SA in November 2000 of a medical incident report dated 13 March 2000 providing particulars of the child and the allegations. 

 

The Crown Solicitor of South Australia and an independent adviser, Mr Jim Cramond a former Chief Magistrate of South Australia, both considered the information available to the investigation and found that allegations of child sexual abuse could not be substantiated.  Ms Charles stated that following the completion of the investigation, the child and his father had been reunited, and decisions about their future rested with the Minister for Immigration.

 

At the time of the media statement, Ms Charles stated FAYS were considering the implications of the delay between the alleged incident (13 March 2000), and receipt by DHS/SA in November 2000, eight months later, of information regarding the incident. . Ms Charles stated the matter would be pursued in the 2000 HREOC inquiry of Philip Flood, and no further comment regarding the investigation would be made by DHS/SA.

 

Example 2

 

In January 2002 a number of UAMs at Woomera IRPC were removed from the centre and taken into alternative care. The decision followed detailed discussions between the Federal Immigration Minister, Phillip Ruddock, and South Australian Human Services Minister Dean Brown.  Both Ministers agreed the alternative arrangements were needed to protect some children at the facility from the coercion of other adult detainees.  DIMIA provided to Mr Brown a report outlining concern that some parents or other detainees had been coercing children to take part in protest action.  As a result, child protection notifications were made in relation to a number of those children, which included UAMs and other children at risk.

 

Problems in processes relating specifically to Woomera IRPC

 

The Flood Report stated that files maintained at Curtin, Maribyrnong, Perth, Port Hedland and Villawood by ACS staff were satisfactory, but the files at Woomera IRPC indicated careless procedures and possible interference. Mr Flood stated that a separate report commissioned by DIMIA confirmed his view that arrangements for the security of files at the Woomera IRPC during 2000 were inadequate.

 

Mr Flood was specifically asked to look into the case of allegations concerning a 12 year old boy then being investigated by FAYS (example 1 above).

 

No formal incident report was prepared for this matter, and it was reported to DIMIA’s Canberra Office eight months after the alleged incident.  Mr Flood stated that the matter’s history clearly indicated legislative and administrative requirements had not been followed by ACS.  He said the problems were not a result of the agreed legislative and administrative incident processes,  but rather a result of these processes not having been followed by ACS.[44] 

 

After assessing the evidence made available, Mr Flood stated his belief that, on 13 and 14 March 2000, when advised by the duty nurse of her belief that the child was sexually assaulted,  the ACS Centre Manager at Woomera IRPC failed to comply with requisite policy and procedures as well as contractual requirements related to reporting of the incident and alleged assault. 

 

A report by a nurse of her belief that a child has been allegedly raped is an incident requiring official reporting to DIMIA’s Canberra Office. Upon the allegations being reported, the child should have been referred for hospital examination and the allegations reported to the police.  In addition, the matter should have been reported to FAYS as required by legislation. 

 

Mr Flood suggests that these problems could have been avoided if DIMIA staff at Woomera IRPC had advised DIMIA’s Canberra Office of earlier recommendations from an ACS welfare officer and an ACS doctor that the boy and his father be relocated to an urban detention centre to address their particular needs. 

 

Mr Flood said the incident indicated Woomera IRPC staff were not well briefed on DIMIA and ACS policy.  Some Woomera IRPC staff reported to Mr Flood that they had received no formal or informal induction or orientation on arrival to take up duty at Woomera IRPC.  There was also a significant lack of understanding among staff of South Australian legislative requirements relating to child abuse.

 

Although FAYS did conclude allegations of sexual abuse of the child could not be substantiated, FAYS noted that an investigation at the time of the incident would have benefited the child, ACS and DIMIA.

 

1.5.2    Standards relevant to conditions of detention

Prisons legislation

There is no overarching national legislative regime governing prisons in Australia, nor are there any federal prisons. Each State (and the Northern Territory) is governed by its own particular correctional legislation.[45] Accordingly, the rights of prisoners and others in custody vary depending on the jurisdiction. The Commonwealth and Territories (aside for the Northern Territory) transfer their prisoners to other jurisdictions for detention.[46]

 

Prisons are largely regulated via subordinate legislation, in particular, by prison regulations. The key sources of law for prisoner rights and standards (which vary in their legal effect) are as follows:

 

·                     Correctional legislation;[47]

·                     Subordinate legislation (primarily regulations established under the principal correctional legislation);[48]

·                     In the case of Victoria and Tasmania,  statutory charters of prisoners’ rights included in the correctional legislation;[49]

·                     Additional rules or determinations (which are made by differing bodies depending on the jurisdiction, and have the force of law);[50]

·                     Internal guidelines and instructions;[51] and

·                     International standards.

 

These rights can be contrasted with the relatively weak protection afforded to persons in immigration detention.

 

The operation of Correctional Legislation & the Statutory Charter of Prisoners Rights in Victoria:

 

There are various rights relating to the treatment of prisoners in Victoria which are expressly afforded under Victoria’s charter of prisoner’s rights. These rights cover a range of aspects of prisoner treatment, and exist in addition to any rights which are provided for under the Act or exist at common law.[52]

 

The key rights embodied in the Victorian charter are contained in s47(1)[53]:

 

(a) if not ordinarily engaged in outdoor work, the right to be in the open air for at least an hour each day, if the weather permits;

 

(b) the right to be provided with food that is adequate to maintain the health and well-being of the prisoner;

 

(c) the right to be provided with special dietary food where the Governor is satisfied that such food is necessary for medical reasons or on account of the prisoner's religious beliefs or because the prisoner is a vegetarian;

 

(d) the right to be provided with clothing that is suitable for the climate and for any work which the prisoner is required to do and adequate to maintain the health of the prisoner;

 

(e) if not serving a sentence of imprisonment, the right to wear suitable clothing owned by the prisoner;

 

(f) the right to have access to reasonable medical care and treatment necessary for the preservation of health including, with the approval of the principal medical officer but at the prisoner's own expense, a private registered medical practitioner physiotherapist or chiropractor chosen by the prisoner;

 

(g) if intellectually disabled or mentally ill, the right to have reasonable access within the prison or, with the Governor's approval outside a prison to such special care and treatment as the medical officer considers necessary or desirable in the circumstances;

 

(h) the right to have access to reasonable dental treatment necessary for the preservation of dental health;

 

(i) the right to practise a religion of the prisoner's choice and, if consistent with prison security and good prison management to join with other prisoners in practising that religion and to possess such articles as are necessary for the practice of that religion;

 

(j) the right to make complaints concerning prison management to the Minister, the Secretary, the Commissioner, the Governor, an official visitor, the Ombudsman, the Health Services Commissioner and the Human Rights Commissioner;

 

(k) the right to receive at least one visit which is to last at least half an hour in each week under section 37;

 

(l) the right to be classified under a classification system established in accordance with the regulations as soon as possible after being sentenced and to have that classification reviewed annually;

 

(m) subject to sections 47A and 47B, the right to send letters to, and receive letters from, the following people without those letters being opened by prison staff--

 

(i) the Minister, the Secretary, the Commissioner or an official visitor;

(ii) a member of Parliament;

(iii) a legal practitioner representing the prisoner, or from whom the prisoner is seeking legal advice;

(iv) the Ombudsman;

(v) the Health Services Commissioner;

(vi) the Human Rights Commissioner;

(vii) any person authorised to act on behalf of a person listed in sub-paragraph (iv), (v) or (vi);

 

(n) subject to section 47D, the right to send and receive other letters uncensored by prison staff;

 

(o) the right to take part in educational programmes in the prison.

 

Limitations and comparison with immigration detainees

 

There are various important limitations on the effective operation of the above rights. In particular, there is no mechanism to enforce such rights nor are there alternative remedies available (such as an action in damages). [54] Moreover, certain rights (such as the right to take part in educational programmes) lack further detail, and many of the rights require the approval of prison authorities before they can be enjoyed.[55] Various rights or benefits contained in the charters simply repeat those which have already been granted to prisoners by virtue of provisions in the correctional legislation (such as the right to be classified according to the classification system established under the regulations). Finally, the practical effect of such rights from the prisoners point of view is questionable; prisoners have been largely unsuccessful in invoking such rights in legal actions for a number of years.[56]

 

Nevertheless, the rights enjoyed by prisoners are in stark contrast to the standards governing the detention of immigration detainees - in particular, no statutory or subordinate legislation encodes detainees’ rights in respect of treatment in detention. Their treatment is subject only to the Immigration Detention Standards[57] contained in the Commonwealth’s contract with ACS, which cannot be enforced by individual detainees. The day-to-day operation of the centres is based in highly discretionary administrative powers conferred on the Minister for Immigration and delegated to the detention centre operators. Finally, there is no equivalent in the immigration context to the office of the Inspector-General of Prisons, which operates to ensure accountability and the maintenance of standards.

 

Juvenile detention legislation

The legislation relating to detention of children and juveniles varies in each jurisdiction and, in some jurisdictions (such as the NT and ACT), has experienced recent legislative developments.At a general level, however, the comment can be made that the legislation and subordinate legislation governing juveniles who are suspected of, or have been convicted of, a criminal offence, provides a far clearer and more effective framework of safeguards and delineation of responsibility for minors deprived of their liberty than that governing the detention of child asylum seekers who have committed no crime.

 

 

Legislative framework in Victoria

 

The primary Act governing the detention of juveniles in Victoria is the Children and Young Persons Act 1989 No. 56 (“the Act”)[58]. The relevant sections of the Act are detailed below.

 

A “child” is defined under the Act as:

 

(a) in the case of a person who is alleged to have committed an offence, a person who at the time of the alleged commission of the offence was under the age of 17 years but of or above the age of 10 years; and

 

(b) in any other case, a person who is under the age of 17 years or, if a protection order continues in force in respect of him or her, a person who is under the age of 18 years.

 

Custody of children following arrest

 

·                     If arrested, a child must be bought before the court or a bail justice no later than 24 hours after arrest: s129(1).

 

·                     Under s130 (1) a child remanded in custody by a court or a bail justice must be placed in a remand centre.

 

Pursuant to s130(2), where a child is remanded in custody in a police gaol, he or she is entitled to the following:

 

(a) to be kept separate from adults who are detained there;

 

(b) to be kept separate according to their sex;

 

(c) subject to the Corrections Act 1986 and the regulations made under that Act, are entitled to receive visits from parents, relatives, legal practitioners, persons acting on behalf of legal practitioners and other persons;

 

(d) to have reasonable efforts made to meet their medical, religious and cultural needs including, in the case of Aboriginal children, their needs as members of the Aboriginal community;

 

(e) to complain to the Chief Commissioner of Police or the Ombudsman about the standard of care, accommodation or treatment which they are receiving in the police gaol;

 

(f) to be advised of their entitlements under this sub-section.

 

Alternatives to detention

 

Where a court has convicted a child of an offence, it may make various orders in relation to detention, including:

 

·                      Youth attendance order: This  may be granted where the Court considers that the child would otherwise be sentenced to detention in a youth training centre as a result of the gravity or habitual nature of the child's unlawful behaviour, and on the day of sentencing, the child is of or above the age of 15 years but under 18 years: s170.

 

·                      Youth residential centre order: This  may be granted where the Court considers the offence to be sufficiently serious, and the offence is punishable by imprisonment. This Order applies to children aged 10 years or more but under 15 years: s186(1).

 

·                      Youth training centre order: This applies to children aged 15 years or more but under 18 years, where the court considers the order appropriate and the offence is punishable by imprisonment: s188(1).

 

Temporary leave of absence from legal custody

 

Pursuant to s256 of the Act, where a person is detained in a remand centre, youth residential centre or youth training centre, he or she may be permitted by the Secretary or the officer in charge to take temporary leave of absence from detention. Purposes for which this permit may be granted include:

 

(a) to engage in employment, whether with or without remuneration;

 

(b) to attend an educational or training institution;

 

(c) to visit his or her family, relatives or friends;

 

(d) to participate in sport, recreation or entertainment in the community;

 

(e) to attend a hospital or a medical, dental or psychiatric clinic or like place for receiving treatment or for examination;

 

(f) to attend a funeral;

 

(g) to accompany members of the police force for a specified purpose or for assisting in the administration of justice;

 

(h) to seek employment;

 

(i) to live in any other accommodation specified in the permit for any purpose specified in the permit.

 

Other conditions of detention

 

·                     A person may be searched under the Act consistently with s256A.

·                     Under s256C, the officer in charge of a remand centre, YRC or YTC may authorise the isolation of a person detained in the centre, that is, the placing of the person in a locked room separate from others and from the normal routine of the centre, subject to s256C (2)-(8).

 

However, undersection 256B of the Act, the following actions are prohibited in relation to a person detained in a remand centre, youth residential centre or youth training centre or a child detained in a police gaol:

 

(a) the use of isolation (within the meaning of section 256C) as a punishment;

 

(b) the use of physical force unless it is reasonable and--

 

(i) is necessary to prevent the person or child from harming himself or herself or anyone else or from damaging property; or

 

(ii) is necessary for the security of the centre or police gaol; or

 

(iii) is otherwise authorised by or under this or any other Act or at common law;

 

(c) the administering of corporal punishment, that is, any action which inflicts, or is intended to inflict, physical pain or discomfort on the person or child as a punishment;

 

(d) the use of any form of psychological pressure intended to intimidate or humiliate the person or child;

 

(e) the use of any form of physical or emotional abuse;

 

(f) the adoption of any kind of discriminatory treatment.

 

It is an offence under the Act to fail to take reasonable care to protect a child from “significant harm” (arising, for example from sexual or physical abuse):  s261.

 

1.6   Existing legal framework for detention

There are a number of legal mechanisms which prescribe and govern the detention of asylum seekers in Australia. However, in assessing the adequacy of the existing legal framework for detention, it is important to distinguish between those mechanisms which set out rights and standards, and those which provide enforcement and accountability. The nature of the visa framework, as well as the constitutional issues raised by detention must also be considered.

 

1.6.1    Rights and standards under existing framework

The detention of asylum seekers in Australia is authorised and regulated under four legal mechanisms:

 

(a)        Statutory;

(b)        Administrative;

(c)        Contractual; and

(d)        Common law.

 

The nature of these mechanisms, and the rights of children and UAMs in detention under each is discussed below.

 

Statutory mechanisms

Migration Act

 

The Migration Act (‘the Act’) is the principal statutory basis for the detention of asylum seekers, including children and UAMs, in Australia. The power to detain is contained in section 189 of the Act, which provides that if an officer knows or reasonably suspects that a person is an unlawful non-citizen (defined in section 14 as a non-citizen without a valid visa), the officer must detain the person. Section 196 provides that an unlawful non-citizen must be kept in immigration detention until he or she is removed from Australia, deported or granted a visa.

 

The word “detain” is defined in section 5 of the Act to mean to:

 

(a)        take into immigration detention; or

 

(b)        keep, or cause to be kept, in immigration detention;

 

and includes taking such action and using such force as are reasonably necessary to do so. “Immigration detention” is defined in section 5 of the Act as being in the company of, and restrained by, an officer, or as being held by, or on behalf of, an officer in, for example, a detention centre established under the Act.

 

The power to establish detention centres is contained in section 273 of the Act, which provides:

 

(1)        The Minister may, on behalf of the Commonwealth, cause detention centres to be established and maintained.

 

(2)        The regulations may make provision in relation to the operation and regulation of detention centres.

 

(3)        Without limiting the generality of subsection (2), regulations under that subsection may deal with the following matters:

 

            (a)        the conduct and supervision of detainees;

(b)        the powers of persons performing functions in connection with the supervision of detainees.

 

There are various other provisions of the Act which deal with detention and detainees. Pursuant to sections 193 256, detainees who arrive unlawfully by boat have the right to legal advice or visa assistance if they request it but not the right to be advised of their right to legal advice or visa assistance. These provisions have been effected in conjunction with the administrative practice of ‘separation detention’ (defined earlier as the system whereby new detainees are isolated from the main population of the detention centre for the purposes of ‘screening out’ those detainees who do not, in DIMIA’s view, immediately engage Australia’s international protection obligations).

 

Under section 252 of the Act, authorised officers are empowered to search detainees, without warrant, for the purposes of finding out whether the person has “a weapon or other thing capable of being used to inflict bodily injury or to help the person to escape from immigration detention.” Under ss 252A-252F, strip searches are permitted, without warrant, if “an officer suspects on reasonable grounds” that the detainee has a hidden weapon or other thing capable of being used to inflict bodily injury or to help the person to escape from immigration detention. Section 252A specifically provides for strip searches of detainees between the ages of 10 and 18, so long as the search is authorised by a magistrate. If the detainee is over 18, the strip search needs only to be authorised by a senior Departmental officer.

 

Migration Regulations

 

Despite the terms of s 273 of the Act, the Migration Regulations 1994 (Cth) (‘the Regulations’) contain very few provisions which relate to the operation or conditions of detention. The only substantive regulation is regulation 5.35, which allows the Secretary to authorise “medical treatment” (which is defined to include “the administration of nourishment and fluids”) of a detainee without that detainee’s consent. Sub regulation (3) specifically provides that an authorisation by the Secretary “is authority for the use of reasonable force (including the reasonable use of restraint and sedatives)”. The provision applies without differentiation to child detainees and UAMs.

 

Rights in relation to statutory mechanisms

 

Detention of non-citizens has been held by the High Court to be within the legislative power of the Commonwealth: Chu Kheng Lim v Minister for Immigration, Local Government and Ethnic Affairs (1992) 176 CLR 1. In Lim, the High Court distinguished between punitive and non-punitive detention, holding that “administrative” detention of unauthorised arrivals was not punitive. However, the Court noted that administrative detention may become punitive if not “limited to what is reasonably capable of being seen as necessary for the purposes of deportation or necessary to enable the application for an entry permit to be made and considered” (see (1992) 176 CLR 1 at 10 per Mason CJ, 30-32 per Brennan, Deane and Dawson JJ, and at 45-46 per Toohey J).

 

It should also be noted that the power of the courts in relation to judicial review of decisions and conduct under the Act has been severely restricted in recent years. In September 1994, Part 8 of the Act was introduced, which purported to create an exclusive regime for judicial review of administrative action under the Act and which limited the available grounds of review by excluding those, such as breach of the rules of natural justice or Wednesbury unreasonableness, that were perceived to be too advantageous to applicants. In Abebe v Commonwealth (1999) 197 CLR 510 the High Court ruled the scheme to be constitutionally valid, thereby funnelling more and more applicants towards its own constitutionally entrenched jurisdiction under s 75(v) of the Constitution.

 

Further amendments in October 2001 have now purported to oust judicial review entirely. Section 474 of the Act now provides that, unless specifically excluded, any decision of an administrative character made, or proposed to be made, under the Act, or under a regulation or other instrument made under the Act (defined as a “privative clause decision”):

 

·                     is final and conclusive; and

·                     must not be challenged, appealed against, reviewed, quashed or called into question in any court; and

·                     is not subject to prohibition, mandamus, injunction, declaration or certiorari in any court on any account.

 

It is interesting to note, however, that s 273 is expressly excluded from the operation of s 474, along with ss 217 (conveyance of removees), 218 (conveyance of deportees), 223 (valuables of detained non-citizens) and 252 (searches of persons) (though not s 252A, which relates to strip searches). It should also be noted that the administration of detention centres is carried out by private contractors whose actions might not be subject to the administrative law remedies which are available in respect of decisions and conduct of officers of the Department.[59] As Davies notes, there are two lines of authority on this point.[60]

 

This renders the rights of detainees in relation to the conditions of their detention uncertain. On the one hand, it could be argued that any actions of the Department in relation to detainees which are not specifically provided for under the Act are implied incidents of the power to detain, and as such are privative clause decisions which cannot be reviewed in any court. On the other hand, it could be argued that such conduct arises under the power to establish and maintain detention centres, and as such is outside the scope of the privative clause and may be reviewed under the Administrative Decisions (Judicial Review) Act 1975 (Cth) or s 39B of the Judiciary Act (Cth).

 

Moreover, the constitutionality of the privative clause, and the extent of its effectiveness, have yet to be authoritatively determined by the High Court.  The Explanatory Memorandum to the Migration Legislation Amendment (Judicial Review) Act 2001 (Cth) makes it clear that the government intends the High Court to interpret s 474 in accordance with the doctrine enunciated in R v Hickman; ex parte Fox (1945) 70 CLR 598. If that is the case, it is arguable that “excess of jurisdiction” remains an available ground of review. In Minister for Immigration and Multicultural Affairs v Yusuf (2001) 180 ALR 1, the High Court held that the notion of jurisdictional error includes an error which causes the decision-maker “to identify a wrong issue, to ask itself a wrong question, to ignore relevant material, to rely on irrelevant material or, at least in some circumstances, to make an erroneous finding or to reach a mistaken conclusion”. It is possible, therefore, that the rights of detainees under the privative clause are broader than they at first appear.

 

Finally, it should be noted that under Part 8A of the Act, restrictions are placed on court proceedings that may be brought in relation to decisions under the Act. In particular, under s 486B representative proceedings, and under s 486C public interest proceedings, are prohibited in relation to all proceedings “that raise an issue in connection with visas (including if a visa is not granted or has been cancelled), deportation, or removal of unlawful non-citizens.”

 

On a broader level, the comment can be made that neither the Act nor the Regulations is in any respect a mechanism for the grant of rights; rather, each is concerned only with denying or authorising restrictions on rights. As a result the position of detainees under the Act, and of children and UAMs in particular, is extremely constrained, not just in relation to the mechanisms for review which do exist, but also in relation to the conditions of their detention more generally.

 

Administrative mechanisms

Migration Series Instructions (MSIs)

 

The Department has produced a number of documents described as Migration Series Instructions (MSIs) that purport to prescribe procedures in relation to, among other things, the conditions and operation of detention. The legal status of MSIs is uncertain - they are not statutory instruments, but they contain procedures which appear to go beyond the bare skeleton of powers provided in the Act. The Department describes MSIs as setting out its interpretation of its obligations under the Act and Regulations. To the extent that they purport to authorise action not specifically provided for under the Act, therefore, it seems that MSIs regulate the operation of administrative power under the broad enabling provisions contained in the Act.

 

An important feature of these guidelines is what they lack: there is no MSI which specifically relates to children or UAMs in detention. MSI-234 “General Detention Procedures” outlines “the general procedures in relation to the exercise of the detention powers” under the Act. There is also an MSI in relation to “Detention of unlawful non-citizens” and a “Compliance and enforcement overview” which deals with detention of non-citizens.

 

MSI-234 contains provisions regarding the use of interpreters (sections 3 and 4) and the requirement to advise detainees of the nature of and reasons for detention (section 5), the lawful use of the power to detain (section 7), the duty of care on the part of officers, including their duty in respect of medical attention (section 8), the use of force, including principles governing the use of handcuffs (section 9), access by detainees to legal advice (section 10) and transfer of custody of detainees (section 14). Of these provisions, the only one which mentions children or UAMs directly is a direction in section 9.3.2 that “minors, the frail and the elderly should not be handcuffed”.

 

General administrative powers - separation detention

 

The practice of separation detention is described in many of the reports which have assessed the system of mandatory detention. However, in none of those reports is a legislative basis for the practice identified; the Flood Report simply states that “On initial arrival at or prior to removal from a facility, provision is made for periods of separation detention”, while the Ombudsman’s report describes separation detention as “an administrative arrangement that restricts a person or a group of persons to a particular area of a detention facility on initial arrival at or prior to removal from a facility.”[61] The only possible conclusion is that the authority to maintain separation detention derives as an administrative incident of the power to detain. Needless to say, the adequacy of this foundation for such an onerous and restrictive practice is open to question. In particular, it is arguable that separation detention is neither necessary for nor proportionate to the grant of power.

 

As mentioned above, the only provisions of the Act that contemplate separation detention are s 193 and s 256, which removes the right of detainees who arrive unlawfully by boat to be advised of their rights to legal advice or visa assistance. In practice, this restriction could only be effective in conjunction with the artificial screening practice of separation detention, whereby new detainees are removed from the ordinary detention population and, if not seen as invoking Australia’s protection obligations, denied any further right to do so in future.

 

Rights in relation to administrative mechanisms

 

As mentioned above, the legal status of both MSIs and the practice of separation detention is uncertain. Actions which are taken pursuant to or in furtherance of these policies can therefore best be described as administrative acts under the broad detention powers contained in the Act. The rights of detainees in relation to such actions is discussed above.

 

It should also be noted that pursuant to cl 7.1 of the General Agreement between the Commonwealth and Australasian Correctional Services (“ACS”), ACS must “comply with all Relevant Legislation, Policy and Procedures” when delivering detention services. “Policy” is defined in the Agreement as “the policy of or adopted by the Commonwealth government from time to time in connection with the Australian Immigration Detention and Removal Function”, and would presumably include MSIs.


 

Contractual mechanisms

Detention Centre Agreement

 

On 27 February 1998 the Department entered into a contractual agreement with ACS for the provision of detention and transport services throughout Australia. ACS provides the services through its agent Australasian Correctional Management (“ACM”). The agreement comprises three separate contracts with ACS:

 

·                     General Agreement;

·                     Detention Services Agreement; and

·                     Occupation Licence Agreement.

 

The General Agreement states “the Commonwealth wishes to enter into a long term relationship with [ACS] for the provision of Services under separate Services Contracts” (cl 2.1). Services are defined in the Detention Services Contract (cl 3.1.1) to include guarding, interpreting and translating, catering, cleaning, education, welfare, health services, escort and transport services and any other services necessary to enable delivery of Detention Services in accordance with the Immigration Detention Standards (the Standards). Under clause 7.1 of the General Agreement ACS must when delivering Services under a Service Contract comply with all relevant legislation, policy and procedures and provide all services efficiently, and in accordance with industry best practice and the Standards. However, under the Standards ultimate responsibility for immigration detainees remains with the Department.

 

The General Agreement provides (in cl 7.3) that each Service Contract shall have performance measures which specify how the delivery of the Services is measured against the Standards. The Commonwealth must pay a “Performance Linked Fee” in consideration for providing the Services (cl 7.4). The details of what constitutes benchmark performance for each Standard, and the details of how the Performance Linked Fee is calculated, have been deleted from the publicly available versions of these contracts. However, draft Standards containing benchmarks for performance have been released in relation to the proposed request for tender to be issued by the Department once the current Detention Services Contract expires. Generally those benchmarks either require there to be “no substantiated instance” of a failure to comply with a particular obligation (eg, “no substantiated instance of detainees not being provided with safe and secure accommodation”), or that “the Department is provided with evidence” of compliance with an obligation (eg “the Department is provided with evidence that the staff have had appropriate ongoing awareness training”).

 

The General Agreement also requires ACS to “keep the Commonwealth fully informed of all aspects of the delivery of the Services” by providing reports “in the medium which allows the Commonwealth to access the information in the manner that best fulfils the requirements of the [Standards]” (cl 4.3). ACS also must “immediately report any major incident or material problem that may affect delivery of Services in accordance with the relevant Service Contract and take appropriate action to deal with that incident or problem so that delivery of the Services is not affected” (cl 4.4). Failure to remedy a major incident or material problem, or taking action which is ineffectual, is an event of Default under the General Agreement (cl 4.4).

 

Incident reporting

 

Clause 13.3 of the Standards requires ACS to fully report in writing to the DIMIA Facility Manager immediately, and within 24 hours to the Director of the DIMIA Detention Operations Section in Canberra, any incident which threatens or disrupts security and good order, or the health, safety or welfare of the detainees. 

 

Incident/s are defined in the Standards as a variation from the ordinary routine of detention centre, and are classified as Critical, Major and Minor.  The classification depends on the potential perceived by ACS for the incident to threaten the order of the facility, detainee transport services, or immigration processing.  The following incident examples relate specifically to detainee health:

 

·                     critical incidents include medical emergencies such as death of a detainee, serious accident or injury, or serious self-harm;

·                     major incidents include medical risk such as voluntary starvation over 24 hours; and

·                     minor incidents include medical issues such as attempted or threatened self-harm, voluntary starvation under 24 hours, end of voluntary starvation, and birth of a child.

 

The Flood Report notes that DIMIA has outlined the following content for incident reports:

 

·                     date and time of commencement and conclusion of the incident. (If the incident is not concluded, follow-up reporting is required);

·                     details of those involved in the incident including:

·                     ACS officers by name and title;

·                     detainees by name and numerical identifier, including date of birth, sex, nationality, date of detention, and reason for detention;

·                     immigration staff;

·                     other staff such as medical officers;

·                     contextual background including any previous incidents involving the detainee;

·                     immediate background to the incident;

·                     clear outline of the incident; and

·                     implications of the incident for management of the detention centre, ACS, DIMIA and other detainees.

 

Immigration Detention Standards

 

The Standards constitute the primary means by which the Department regulates and monitors the performance of ACS in operating the detention centres. As mentioned above, compliance with the Standards is ostensibly the benchmark against which the “Performance Linked Fee” is calculated. The Standards also contain the mechanism by which the Department monitors the performance of ACS, in the form of incident reporting and the requirement for a secure box within each detention centre for complaints by detainees (cl 7.11.1).

 

The Standards commence with a statement of the principles which “should underpin the provision of the detention function and the standard of care to be provided” and indicates that “the service provider’s actions must be guided by them.” These principles, such as “immigration detention is required by the Migration Act and is administrative detention, not a prison or  correctional sentence” and “the dignity of the detainee is upheld in culturally, linguistically, gender and age appropriate ways”, are followed by detailed “outcome standards” that “relate to the quality of care and quality of life expected in immigration detention facilities.”

 

The Standards prescribe obligations with respect to the lawfulness of detention, the dignity and privacy of detainees, their social interaction and safety, the selection and training of detention centre personnel, the management and security of detention centres, the management of detainees, religious and “individual care” needs, community contact, notification, monitoring and reporting. The only clause which relates specifically to children and UAMs is clause 9, “Individual Care Needs”, which provides:

 

9.1       The individual care needs of detainees with special needs are identified and programs provided to enhance their quality of life and care

 

9.2       Unaccompanied Minors

 

Unaccompanied minors are detained under conditions which protect them from harmful influences and which take account of the needs of their particular age and gender

 

9.3       Infants and Young Children

 

The special needs of babies and young children are met

 

9.4       Children

 

9.4.1    Social and educational programs appropriate to the child’s age and abilities are     available to all children in detention

 

9.4.2    Detainees are responsible for the safety and care of their child(ren) living in detention

 

9.4.3    Where necessary, help and guidance in parenting skills is provided by appropriately qualified personnel

 

It should be noted that both HREOC and the Detention Working Group have produced alternative Immigration Detention Standards, which prescribe in greater detail obligations which more fully accord with Australia’s international obligations, in particular the Convention on the Rights of the Child. However, these standards have not been adopted and therefore, currently, only the rather sparse guidelines above are in force.

 

Operational Orders

 

Clause 7.1.1 of the Standards requires ACS to develop “a clear set of operational orders in accordance with relevant DIMIA policies and guidelines, and Commonwealth and State/Territory legislation [to] govern the operation of each detention facility and the management of detainees.” While these operational orders have not been made publicly available, a number of ACS policy documents were reproduced as annexures to the Flood Report in February 2001. Among those documents was Policy Number 16.1 from the ACM Detention Services Operating Manual, “Special Care Needs for Minors and Unaccompanied Minors”.

 

This policy provides that all detainees under the age of 18 years will be deemed minors for the purpose of management within detention centres. It states that all child detainees will be assessed on induction for special needs commensurate with their age and gender, and that those needs will be provided where possible. It further states that all unaccompanied minors will be further assessed to determine their possible risks while in detention and to develop measures to remove such risks, and that all unaccompanied minors will be allocated a suitable de facto guardian to oversee their welfare while they remain in detention. The policy provides that “the welfare of all minors and their parents will be constantly monitored to ensure they are afforded the most appropriate care throughout their stay” in detention.

 

Also annexed to the Flood Report was a new Child Protection Policy in relation to the Woomera Detention Centre. The policy sets out the obligations of ACM staff under the Child Protection Act 1993 (SA) and acknowledges that “children and young people have the right to be emotionally and physically safe at all times” and that “the protection and safety of children [in detention] is fundamentally the responsibility of ACM staff.” It requires any staff member “forming a suspicion on reasonable grounds to believe a child is, has been or may be abused or neglected” to notify South Australian Family and Youth Services and report the incident to a supervisor or manager who must “ensure the safety of the child/children involved”. Attached to the policy are indicators of physical abuse, physical neglect, emotional abuse, sexual abuse, and female genital mutilation. It should be noted that while the Flood Report referred to ACM’s Child Protection Policy as “a thorough yet very overdue document” it also stated: “I remain unsatisfied that this policy has still not been implemented and that similar documents have not been developed for the other centres and I recommend that ACM address this issue immediately.”

 

The lack of transparency by ACM management of detention centres also means that it is very difficult to assess whether these policies are now complied with consistently. Certainly detainees do not necessarily know of their existence, and cannot, in any event, enforce their content.

 

Rights in relation to contractual mechanisms

 

There are few, if any, means by which detainees can enforce directly the rights and obligations provided under the contract between ACS and the Commonwealth. Aside from the complaints mechanism specified under the Standards (section 7.11), detainees do not appear to have any means under the Detention Centre Agreement by which they can hold ACS accountable for a failure to comply with its contractual obligations.

Moreover, any attempt to bring an action would be met with the argument that the contract, though for the benefit of the detainees, is between ACS and the Commonwealth only. The doctrine of privity of contract would therefore prevent the detainees from bringing an action to enforce it directly. In Trident General Insurance Co Ltd v McNiece Bros Pty Ltd (1988) 165 CLR 107, the High Court was willing to allow a subcontractor who was not a party to an insurance contract which was, at least partly, for his benefit, to nevertheless bring an action under the contract. It is arguable that similar principles might allow detainees to sue under the Detention Centre Agreement, though the problems associated with such an action should not be understated. At least three of the judges in Trident relied on notions of estoppel to support their decision in favour of the subcontractor, based on his legitimate expectation and detrimental reliance.[62] It would be exceedingly difficult to establish such elements for any cause of action in relation to immigration detainees.[63]

 

Common law mechanisms

Overview

 

All persons who have a responsibility for the detention, safety and welfare of children in detention owe these children a duty of care, which is complex and serious. These persons include:

 

·                     The Commonwealth of Australia (through its agent the Department of Immigration and Multicultural and Indigenous Affairs);

·                     In relation to unaccompanied minors, their legal guardian, Phillip Ruddock, the Minister for Immigration;

·                     Australian Correctional Services (through its agent Australasian Correctional Management Pty Ltd).

·                     Australasian Correctional Management Pty Ltd (through its agents, servants and employees)

 

The detention centre context within which the common law duties operate

 

We are not aware of a decided negligence case involving immigration detention in Australian common law[64]. Much of the case law regarding the duties owed by a custodian to persons in their custody relates to adults in prison and police custody.

Many of the principles and scenarios examined in this body of case law are clearly applicable to the context of children in detention.

 

However, it must be clearly acknowledged that holding children in administrative detention creates unique problems, and the duties associated with such detention are likely more stringent that those pertaining to adults in custody.

 

Nevertheless there is a clear relationship between the duties of care owed to adults and the equivalent and additional duties owed to children in the detention context. Both accompanied and unaccompanied children within detention centres live in close proximity to adult primary carers and other adults. Thus the management regime and conditions that is applied to adults is more than likely the same regime that is experienced either directly or vicariously by children. By way of example, RILC in their submission to DIMIA on Family Unity and Refugee Protection[65] stated:

 

Aside from proposals that encourage the physical separation of refugee family units, it is clear that the confinement of family members within a detention centre places extreme strain on a family relationship and can do lasting damage.  We have acted for a great number of asylum seekers in detention over the years where the detention environment has damaged the family relationship and thus the integrity of the family. The following are three relevant case studies:

 

In 1998 we acted for a single female Afghan asylum seeker with three children who was detained in the Maribyrnong Detention Centre for over eight months.  We witnessed the slow deterioration of the relationship between mother and children over the months as our client proceeded through the refugee determination process.  We watched as the children became progressively more morose, withdrawn and uncontrollable.  The strains on our client were extreme.  Her children were told by other schoolchildren outside the centre that they must have a ‘bad mother’ as they were living in a jail.

 

We were involved with an Iranian family of mother, father and two young daughters who were held in the Maribyrnong Detention Centre for over 18 months until August 2001.  During that period the marital relationship between mother and father deteriorated, the father’s hair turned white, the mother was diagnosed with extreme depression, both parents were on doses of anti-depressant medication and both children began to exhibit signs of extreme distress. 

 

We currently act for an Iraqi father who was detained for many months with his 12-year-old daughter in the Woomera detention centre.  During the riots in Woomera in 1999, the father was arbitrarily detained in the ‘secure’ section of the detention centre with his daughter and 22 other male adults and one young boy.  There were no other female asylum seekers in the section.  Our client’s daughter began to exhibit signs of post-traumatic stress disorder, began to have nightmares and developed a bed wetting habit that was documented by detention centre medical staff.  Our client says he can never forgive himself for bringing his daughter to a detention centre in Australia.  His daughter currently attends regular trauma counselling sessions. 

 

By way of further example of this shared or intermeshed reality between the experiences of children and adults in detention, Moira Rayner states:

 

What is life like, for children in immigration detention? It means being under constant video surveillance, being addressed by your number, not your name; having no play facilities and sharing sparse recreation space with adults (I have affidavit evidence that children detained in Port Hedland are expected to use the ball ground between 2 and 2.30 – the hottest time of the day). There may be no medical facilities for mentally ill children, no paediatricians, and interminable queues, boredom and regimentation. Child detainees live behind razor wire, surrounded by uniforms, identification badges, roll calls and searches. Their food is prepared by strangers, not by parents, queued for and eaten on schedule or not at all (In one case reported to me by a visitor, guards had told the parents of an 8 month old baby they were ‘there to look after adults not children so there was no baby food.’ Her parents claimed she lost 3 kilos in one week.). It means children seeing adult distress and even violence, watching batons, riot shields, water canons or gas being used.  

 

Perhaps the best description of what detention means for children is a personal one.

 

This is Arnold Zable, writing in the Age on 12th October:  

 

‘The imprisonment of children is a form of slow torture. I have seen the effects first hand. I first met children from the Maribyrnong detention centre in January. They ranged in age from eight months to teenagers. On the Friday before Christmas last year, 52-year-old Tongan inmate Viliami Tanginoa jumped from a basketball ring to his death after an eight-hour stand-off with detention centre guards. He had just been told that he was to be deported to Tonga for overstaying his visa. Children at the centre had come to know him as a gentle man. A few weeks later, on January 6, the tension was compounded when a 17-year-old detainee cut his throat. Some of the children heard the commotion that followed. This is the tense atmosphere in which child detainees live. I have now visited the Maribyrnong detention centre on many occasions. I have spoken to psychologists about what I have seen and heard. The children display the classic symptoms of trauma resulting from incarceration. These include bed-wetting, sudden bouts of anger and periods of withdrawal and depression. Some wake up screaming from nightmares. Others have recurring dreams of their parents being arrested and taken from them. Some symptoms, say psychologists, may stay with these children for the rest of their lives.[66]

 

The Non-Delegable duty of care owed by the Commonwealth of Australia (through its agent DIMIA)

 

The Commonwealth of Australia through its agent DIMIA owes a positive and non- delegable duty of care to children in detention. The concept of a non-delegable duty of care involves the idea that, in relation to the tort of negligence, some duties of care are too important to be delegated even to a competent and appropriate delegate. That is, liability cannot be avoided by the delegation of this duty. The concept of a non-delegable duty was described by Mason J in Stevens v Brodribb Sawmilling Co Pty Ltd (1986) 160 CLR 16 at 32 (“Stevens”), as an example of a ‘personal’ duty of a ‘higher’ or more ‘stringent’ nature. The duty was said by Mason J in Kondis v State Transport Authority (1984) 154 CLR 672 at 686 (“Kondis”), to arise where a person “has undertaken the care, supervision, or control of the person or property of another or is so placed in relation to that person or his property as to assume a particular responsibility for his or its safety, in circumstances where the person affected might reasonably expect that due care will be exercised.”[67]

 

The Commonwealth Ombudsman in his Report of Own Motion Investigation into The Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs’ Immigration Detention Centres[68] argued:

 

“DIMIA has clearly taken responsibility for detainees’ care, supervision and control by placing them in immigration detention. I consider that this places DIMIA in the role of having a special and more stringent “non-delegable” duty of care… In my view (which DIMIA accepts), DIMIA is not able to pass on its duty of care to ACS but rather, remains responsible notwithstanding its contractual arrangements with ACS. The existence of any contractual arrangements, MOU or other link, financial or otherwise, between DIMIA and ACS is irrelevant to DIMIA’s non-delegable duty of care.”

 

The standard and content of the duties of care owed to children in detention

 

The standards and duties owed can be imported and derived from a number of sources. These include:

 

·                     the Migration Act and Migration Regulations as amended

·                     DIMIA Migration Series Instructions

·                     Specific and general contractual obligations required under the DSA;

·                     ACM Operational Orders, policies and procedures

·                     Relevant and applicable case law;

·                     Binding International Human Rights instruments and related standards;

·                     The professed expertise and experience of managing immigration detainees reposed in DIMIA and its predecessors;

·                     The professed international expertise in detention management by the Operator, ACM and its parent company Wackenhut Corrections Corporation (WCC);

·                     The state of knowledge available to all custodians (DIMIA and ACM) and health service providers from State-based and Non-Government inquiries, statistical, epidemiological and qualitative research relating to the vulnerabilities and known and foreseeable risks posed to children in the immigration detention context, comparative institutional care environments in Australia and other relevant and comparative jurisdictions.

 

Fundamental to any formulation of the applicable standards inherent in the duty of care owed by custodial authorities to children in their care, supervision, guardianship and custody is an understanding that this standard is an evolving one. In Re Cekan v Haines (1990) 21 NSWLR 296 at 313 (a custodial negligence case), Mahoney JA observed that:

 

“ It is necessary to recognise that, in some areas of government activity, the standard of care is not fixed but evolving. I mean by this that, though the legal formula (“…the reasonable man’s response…”) may remain the same, the actual precautions which that response requires a defendant government to change: as the evidence in this case suggests, as time goes on that response will require Government to take further or more stringent precautions. This is not a phenomenon peculiar to government activities; the same kind of evolution may be seen in other areas where the law of negligence applies. But it has, I think, a particular application in respect of the activities of Government because, in contexts such as that now in question, it is the function of Government to plan the nature and extent of the facilities to be offered, to lay down the systems to be observed, and to do so in respect of matters which are envisaged as lasting for a significant period. The age of gaols, hospitals, and public transport illustrates this.”

 

In Re Quayle v State of NSW and Ors[69] Justice Hocking stated:

 

“[I]t is surely a fundamental precept that when the liberty of a citizen is constrained by the community then the community assumes a heavy burden to ensure his or her safety.”

 

Children are, by definition, development and dependency, the most powerless of all social groups. They do not have access to the means of exerting power, or protecting their own vulnerability. They are restricted in the extent to which they can make decisions about their own lives.[70] It is submitted that children’s unique legal and developmental status requires their custodians to discharge their complex duties of care to a very high standard.

 

Because the policy of mandatory detention of children is arguably contrary to the obligations and minimum standards set down in international instruments[71] it is clear that the Commonwealth and ACM owe a very high duty of care to children simply by virtue of the fact of the policy being in place. Many of the principles and standards articulated in International Instruments are non-derogable, and have been asserted in the knowledge that their violation would constitute a violation of fundamental human rights. Where a policy is implemented that contravenes these Instruments the likelihood of human rights violations and negligent acts and injuries occurring is very high and very foreseeable.

 

Health care professionals also owe distinct duties of care to child detainees as patients in their care.  In the landmark case of Rogers v Whittaker [1992] 175 CLR 479 at 483 the High Court of Australia broadly defined the nature and standard of the duty of care owed by health care professionals to their patients:

 

“The law imposes on a medical practitioner a duty to exercise reasonable care and skill in the provision of professional advice and treatment. That duty is a ‘single comprehensive duty covering all the ways in which a doctor is called upon to exercise his skill and judgement’; it extends to the examination, diagnosis and treatment of the patient and the provision of information in an appropriate case…The standard of reasonable care and skill required is that of an ordinary skilled person exercising and professing to have that special skill.”

 

Defining the content of the duties of care owed

 

In light of the above discussion the duties of care owed by detainee health care professionals to children in detention include:

 

·                     The duty to prevent and protect against physical and sexual assault from other detainees;[72]

·                     The duty to prevent and protect against physical and sexual assault from staff;[73]

·                     The duty to prevent suicide and related self-harm;[74]

·                     The duty to prevent psychological injury either as a result of direct acts or omissions or as a result of acts or omissions directed against adult(s) within close proximity to a child;[75]

·                     The duty to provide general and specialist medical treatment and care to the requisite standard;

·                     The duty to provide a safe and secure physical environment.[76]

 

Each of these broad duties is capable of further particularisation. For example, in relation to the care and treatment of a patient at known risk of committing future acts of self-harm, or at risk of  suicidal behaviour, the duty owed necessarily extends to the following:[77]

 

·                     The duty to evaluate for suicide risk at initial assessment;

·                     The duty to evaluate for suicide risk on an ongoing basis;

·                     The duty to expeditiously and comprehensively secure records of prior treatment;

·                     The duty to accrue, compile and document a detailed history;

·                     The duty to undertake and document structured and rigorous risk assessments including a mental status examination;

·                     The duty to make an appropriate diagnosis;

·                     The duty to establish, implement and monitor a comprehensive and integrated treatment plan proportionate to the level and characteristic of the patient’s risk of suicidal and/or self- harming behaviour;

·                     The duty to comprehensively document clinical judgements, rationales, observations and treatment processes;

·                     The duty to evaluate properly for the need and level of pharmacological intervention or unsuitable and/or excessive pharmacotherapy;

·                     The duty to develop and maintain appropriate supervision, cross-consultation and communication with other treating health professionals and other professionals responsible for the ongoing management and care of the patient.

 

Many of these duties intersect with those which can be reasonably expected to be discharged by custodial authorities towards a child detainee in their care and control, who is at risk of suicide and/or self harm. Although the general principles and content of the relevant duty have been articulated by the House of Lords in Reeves v Commissioner of Police for the Metropolis [1999] 3 All ER 897, the content of the duty in such a context necessarily encompasses the following:

 

·                     The duty to ensure the co-ordination and case management of all elements of a regime of care, custody and broader management regimes within a framework of dynamic suicide and self harm risk awareness and intervention;

·                     The duty to ensure strict adherence to all policy and procedures aimed at preventing and minimising suicidal and self-harming behaviour;

·                     The duty to minimise and otherwise manage prison induced distress, which may increase the known risk of suicidal and self-harming behaviours;

·                     The duty to provide a safe physical cell accommodation environment in light of the fact that hanging is the predominant mechanism for suicide in custody and that a significant percentage of the detention population is, from time to time, at risk of suicide.

 

Finally, the material set out in Part 2 of Chapter 1, above, which suggests a prima facie breach of international legal obligations arising out of the treatment of children in detention, is equally suggestive of breaches of the standard of care owed by DIMIA and ACS to child detainees. It also indicates the profound difficulty of enforcing these standards in any meaningful way.

 

1.6.2    The visa framework and its application to child   detainees

Children and protection visas

By section 36 of the Migration Act, a class of visas known as protection visas is established.  Both the Migration Act and the Migration Regulations set out criteria against which an application for a protection visa is assessed. Where it is assessed that Australia has a protection obligation and the applicant has satisfied all legislative requirements (including health and character checks) a protection visa is granted. The person is released from detention and is permitted to travel to and enter Australia for a period of 3 years from the date of the grant.

 

Protection visa criteria

 

A criterion for the grant of a protection visa is that the applicant for the visa is a non-citizen in Australia to whom the Minister is satisfied Australia has protection obligations under the Refugee Convention (s 36(2)(a)).  An alternative criterion is that an applicant is a non-citizen who is a dependant of a person to whom Australia has protection obligations who holds a protection visa (s 36(2)(b)).

 

Australia has protection obligations to a non-citizen who has a well-founded fear of being persecuted in a country for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group, or political opinion, is outside the country of his or her nationality and is unable, or owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself or herself of the protection of that country; or who, not having a nationality and being outside the country of his or her former habitual residence as a result of such events, is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to return to it. Particular issues arise in relation to the application of this definition to children which, in turn, impacts on the length of their stay in detention.

 

Authorities on children and protection visas

 

In the case of  Chen Shi Hai, the High Court[78] made it clear that children born in contravention of China’s one child policy could constitute a social group for the purposes of the Refugee Convention.  The appellant was a child born outside the parameters of China’s one child policy and was born of an “unauthorised” marriage and was therefore known in China as a “black child” or “hei haizi”.  The appellant’s parents were in immigration detention at Port Hedland, Western Australia, at the time of his conception and birth. He did not acquire Australian citizenship by being born in Australia[79]. Chen Shen Hai spent the first four years of his life in immigration detention.

 

The Refugee Review Tribunal found that as a “black child” he would be denied access to food, education and to health care beyond a very basic level and would probably face social discrimination and some prejudice and ostracism. The High Court held that the full court of the Federal Court erred in holding that “black children” could not constitute a particular social group for the purposes of the Refugee Convention and, also, in holding that the adverse treatment which the appellant was likely to experience was not by reason of his being a “black child” but because his parents had contravened China’s “one-child policy”.

 

Similarly, the Full Court of the Federal Court of Australia in Minister for Immigration & Multicultural Affairs v Sarrazola (2001) 107 FCR 184 [2001] FCA 263 held that a family could also constitute a particular social group.  Merkel J stated at [28]:

 

“It seems to now be accepted in the Court that a family can constitute a particular social group. In Sarrazola No 1, after observing that there is decisive authority to the contrary, Hely J concluded that ‘a family can constitute a particular social group within the meaning of Article 1A(2)’. His Honour said (at [36]):

 

‘A family is cognisable as a group in society such that its members share something which unites them and sets them apart from the general community.’

 

Wilcox J observed in C v Minister for Immigration & Multicultural Affairs (1999) 94 FCR 366] at [33] that it was unnecessary for the Full Court in Sarrazola No 2 to deal with the correctness of the above statement of Hely J but said, however, that the statement was ‘plainly correct’.

 

Merkel J cited Sackville J in Giraldo v Minister for Immigration & Multicultural Affairs [2001] FCA 113 who accepted that there is authority for the propositions that: (i) a particular family or extended family is capable of constituting a particular social group for the purposes of the Refugee Convention; (ii) a member of such a family who is at risk of persecution by reason of his or her association with another family member may have a well-founded fear of persecution for a Convention reason; and (iii) the family member may have such a well-founded fear notwithstanding that the persecutors may have more than one motive for persecuting him or her, and the other family member could not claim to be a refugee within the meaning of the Refugee Convention. The government has attempted to narrow this interpretation in section 91S of the Act, specifying that where a person claims to have a well-founded fear of persecution by reason of their family membership, the other members of the family must fear persecution for a convention reason.

 

Subclause 866.230 of the Regulations and section 46A of the Act make provision for an application for a protection visa to be made as part of a family unit. In practice, this is the way that the bulk of protection visa applications by child asylum seekers are made. However, even though the decision-maker has an obligation to consider separate claims made by dependants,[80] it is submitted below that this practice may in some circumstances not protect the best interests of the child.

 

Impact of new rules concerning family applications on children

 

Section 48A(1) provides that an on-shore non-citizen whose previous application for a protection visa was refused may not make a further on-shore application.  The bar against further protection visa applications has now been extended to persons who were part of an unsuccessful family unit application.[81]  By section 48B, the Minister has a non-compellable discretion, exercisable if he thinks it is in the public interest to do so, to determine that s 48A does not apply for a seven day period starting on the day on which notice is given (despite the fact that it may not necessarily have been received on that day).  This power may only be exercised by the Minister personally.  The Minister has no duty to consider whether to exercise the power in respect of any non-citizen, whether he or she is requested to do so by the non-citizen or by any other person, or in any other circumstances. By s 50, the Minister is not required to consider any information considered in the earlier application and may have regard and take to be correct any decision that the Minister made about or because of that information.

 

While it is common for all relevant refugee claims from a particular family unit to be lodged at the beginning of a refugee determination process, there may be situations in which a dependent family unit member does not lodge her own claims initially or at all, for complicated and sensitive cultural reasons.  The UNHCR Guidelines provide that all refugee claims should be assessed on their individual merits and this right is not adequately protected.  The Minister’s non-compellable discretion does not safeguard against the denial of the right of an applicant to lodge an application for refugee status if they have individual claims even after the refusal of a principal applicant of a family unit, or guarantee rights set out in the Convention on the Rights of the Child.

 

Children and bridging visas

Overview

 

For an unlawful non-citizen, the Migration Act leaves only four ways out of a detention centre:

 

·                     Transfer to detention in another place, eg., prison, or some form of "house arrest" under some form of "release" program

·                     Bridging visa

·                     Substantive visa

·                     Deportation or removal from the country.

 

The last two options are permanent outs, alternatives that mark the end of the legal process of a claim for asylum. The first two are temporary measures, designed to ameliorate - or in some cases reinforce - the stringencies of incarceration during the process. Of these, the second option - bridging visa - is the only one that contemplates the release of asylum seekers into the community.

 

Bridging visas

 

The power to grant bridging visas rests with the Minister: section 73. But there are conditions on that power, both under the Migration Act, and under the regulations.

 

Children

 

In the case of children, the key conditions on the power are:

 

·                     under 18;

·                     in the process of pursuing a protection visa;

·                     Minister satisfied that arrangements for care have been made with an Australian citizen, or permanent resident (or eligible NZ citizen); and

·                     Minister satisfied that visa (ie., release) would not prejudice interests of the child's guardian or custodian, or anyone having rights of access.

 

(See Migration Regulations, regulation 2.20(7), and section 72 (1) (b); there are other conditions there imposed, but the ones recited are the main ones).

 

Other bridging visas

 

For adults, the position is more difficult. The conditions to be satisfied vary, depending on the basis on which a bridging visa is sought. In relation to old age and health bridging visas, the key requirements are that the Minister is satisfied adequate community-based care arrangements are in place and, in the case of the former, that the detainee is over 75, while in relation to the latter that the detainee has a special need - due to health, or torture or trauma - that a medical specialist appointed by DIMIA certifies is unable to be met in detention.

 

Adult detainees are also eligible for bridging visas on the ground that they are married to and in a genuine relationship with an Australian citizen or permanent resident, or are a child of such a marriage, or that they have been in detention for more than six months without a primary determination - though this last category of visa is only available if the Minister thinks it is in the public interest and personally determines the applicant to be eligible.

 

Practical operation of bridging visas

 

Despite the fact that, prima facie, all children in detention are eligible for bridging visas, in practice very few children are released into the community.[82] The principal reason for this fact is the highly discretionary nature of the bridging visa regime, coupled with the absence of an active or effective regime for the monitoring of child detainees and their interests.

 

The lack of clear delineation of responsibility between State welfare authorities and DIMIA means that efforts to assess the child’s best interests are usually met with inaction or a denial of authority. There is no regular or systematic review of the conditions of children for the purpose of granting bridging visas, and indeed in practice it is exceptionally difficult to convince DIMIA of the need to undertake an assessment in relation to a child.

 

In large part this is due to the highly discretionary nature of the bridging visa regime, and in particular, DIMIA’s interpretation of the concept of the child’s “best interests”. This discretion means, in practice, that accompanied children are never separated from their parents, regardless of their physical or mental condition or the conditions under which they are held, while the notion of “best interest” tends to vary according to departmental priorities, and can in fact be used as a barrier to release - for instance, the Department’s view that the “best interests” of child detainees are served by keeping them with fellow country persons, or its ability to demand that persons seeking a bridging visa on behalf of a child provide a level of care which is far higher than that enjoyed in detention.

 

Another systematic problem with the bridging visa regime is that the department takes no responsibility, and indeed there is no independent mechanism at all, for finding alternative accommodation for eligible detainees. This duty therefore falls completely on social welfare groups and non-government organisations. However, these are the entities with the most difficulty in gaining access to detainees, primarily due to the government’s lack of transparency in the operation of the detention centres. In the case of children, this difficulty is particularly exacerbated by the need to organise schooling and health care, at a level far in excess than that offered in detention.

 

Finally, it should also be noted that there is no government-funded legal assistance in the preparation of bridging visa applications - the IAAAS does not extend to such applications, further reducing the ability of detainees to effectively access the processes.

 

Legal representation of detainee children

Immigration Application Advice and Assistance Scheme

 

The IAAAS is the only government-funded scheme for the provision of legal assistance to asylum seekers in detention. The IAAAS purports to provide assistance to:

 

·                     All people in immigration detention who seek to apply for a protection visa,

·                     Prospective protection visa applicants in the community with cases of merit who are experiencing financial hardship and are disadvantaged, for example, because of their non-English speaking background or are suffering a disability as a result of past torture and trauma, and

·                     Other disadvantaged prospective onshore visa applicants in the community in greatest need who are unable to access the services of a registered migration agent.

 

Assistance and advice is funded by the Commonwealth at no cost to the applicant and is delivered by nineteen service providers throughout Australia.  Application assistance is provided to eligible applicants to prepare, lodge and present applications for visas.

 

The IAAAS is reported by the Department as providing for application assistance at the merits review stage when a primary application has been refused.  However, many advisers do not attend tribunal hearings because applicants are not considered by subcontractors to “need” assistance.  One contractor reportedly provided representation only in exceptional and unusual circumstances.

 

IAAAS application assistance expressly does not include assistance with applications for judicial review through the courts.  The drawing of a line in the sand at this point is unjustifiable given that Australian court proceedings are conducted in an alien cultural context, language and austere environment that unrepresented Australians frequently find intimidating and inaccessible.  The burden for an asylum seeker who may have had traumatic experience of authority without assistance would be insurmountable. 

 

The Federal Court now administers its own pro bono referral scheme to which many unrepresented protection visa applicants appealing unfavourable reviews by the Refugee Review Tribunal are referred.  This scheme is dependent upon the goodwill of barristers to make up the lacuna in the IAAAS.

 

Problems with the IAAAS

 

According to Australian Immigration Fact Sheet 63 of the Department, IAAAS service providers are selected, amongst other things, on their capacity to focus assistance on those cases most in need.  However, conflicts of interest in the administration of the IAAAS compromise the advice given to prospective applicants:

 

·                     Fees to contractors are paid by the Department of the Minister responsible for assessing the application;

·                     Confidentiality obligations are placed on contractors which prevent advisers from publicly expressing their concerns about conditions in immigration reception and processing centres. Failure to comply with this obligation has led to termination of employment of at least one employee of an IAAAS contractor;

·                     Apparent discrimination in the award of contracts against those whose advisers are too proactive in support of the claims of asylum seekers.

 

Further problems with the IAAAS include the fact that the quality of work performed by contractors, officers or employees of contractors, is often not sufficiently scrutinised or monitored.  Many advisers do not have legal qualifications.  The level of training required to obtain registration as a migration agent is not sufficient to provide agents with requisite skills to deal with the complexity of legal issues raised by many applicants, nor with the interpretation and application of the Convention.  One contractor registers administrative assistants who have no legal training as migration agents.

 

The complaints mechanism is not effective to protect against the provision of inaccurate or incompetent advice because, in part, it rests on the individual asylum seeker’s ability to make judgments with respect to a system and, most likely, a language with which they are not familiar and in circumstances where they are unlikely to have any point of reference or comparison.  The problem is greatest in the case of unaccompanied children, because they cannot be expected to have any of the knowledge or skills required to protect their own interests.

 

Another problem with the IAAAS is that separate funds are often needed for medical and psychiatric assessments, translation and interpreting services.  However, IAAAS managers do not have the discretion to extend funding in cases where more extensive services are required.

 

Finally, because they are often not lawyers, and also because they are not funded to do so, IAAAS contractors will generally not represent children’s interests in respect of their conditions of detention, nor will they undertake the considerable work which may be necessary to arrange to have a child released on a bridging visa. Thus, they cannot be regarded as an independent person appointed to represent the needs of unaccompanied minors, as their conduct is confined to protection visa applications.

 

1.6.3    Enforcement and accountability under the existing framework

The purpose of this section is to examine the mechanisms that are available to hold those who own and operate detention centres accountable to appropriate standards, and the mechanisms that are available to enforce relevant rights and standards. These can be divided broadly into state and non-state mechanisms.

 

State mechanisms

Commonwealth Ombudsman

 

In recent years the Ombudsman’s Office has made a number of dedicated reports on the operation of Commonwealth Immigration Detention Centres in the context of its broader supervisory brief. The role of the Ombudsman’s Office is not to comment on the government’s policy, for instance actions by the Minister, but rather to look at complaints which might raise issues pertaining to policy. Many of these reports have elements which are made in private, mainly for reasons of confidentiality. Section 35A of the Ombudsman Act states that the Ombudsman can only make public certain matters if he considers it to be in the public interest.[83]

 

The Ombudsman’s Office is able to undertake an inspection of detention facilities in a general way, looking at provisions for women, children and unaccompanied minors. In its Annual Reports, which are tabled in the Federal Parliament by the Commonwealth Ombudsman, detention issues remain a key issue discussed. The Ombudsman has also (in March 2001) examined asylum seekers who have been detained in state institutions. It also continues to examine issues of children, their handling, care education and medical care in its reports.

 

The Government has through legislation attempted to limit access by the Ombudsman’s Office and the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission in accessing asylum seekers in detention when there is no direct approach by the asylum seekers themselves. This came after a Federal Court decision allowing access by the Human Rights Commission to detention centres.   Yet any impairment of the ability of the ombudsman to visit detention centres will inevitably have a profound impact in the case of children, for whom the detention centre environment and its processes must seem particularly alien and inaccessible.

 

In relation to the detention of children of asylum seekers outside Australia, it is currently unclear whether the jurisdiction of the Ombudsman’s office extends to Nauru and Papua New Guinea. The Office itself is seeking to clarify this internally.

 

Parliamentary Mechanisms

 

Question Time and Debate

 

Each Minister is theoretically accountable for the conduct of their Department under the Westminster Conventions on responsible governments. The Minister can be directly called to account for their actions or for those of their Department in Parliamentary Question Time, and indirectly in debate around the passage of legislation. However, the difficulties with using question time for effective scrutiny include: it is limited in its effect; memberships of committees change; it is subsumed often by party political imperatives; and does not really have an effective regulatory operation.

 

The Committee System

 

There are various Committees which have investigated conditions in detention, including the Joint Standing Committee on Migration, the Senate Legal and Constitutional Committee and the Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade. However, one member of Parliament spoken to in the preparation of this submission stated that, “Parliamentary Committees were only as good as the calibre of particular members and the vigor with which they want to find the truth and hold Parliamentarians to account”. It was observed that some politicians use the Committee system to advance their particular party’s agenda or for “point scoring” and sabotaging avenues of inquiry, whereas other committee members see it as an important opportunity for review, questioning and ensuring that the public interest and accountability are maintained.

 

The public service sees itself as subject to their Minister, however various members of Parliament consulted in the preparation of this submission noted privately that DIMIA tends to have a culture that is generally defensive and often uncooperative and acts as if it is “under siege”, unlike other Departments that are questioned. The view was expressed that DIMIA should have two functions, one regulatory and the other as a facilitator, but that its focus is on the first and border control.  It was noted that often requests for information by the Parliamentary Estimates Committee are provided at the eleventh hour leaving little opportunity for detailed scrutiny or follow-up prior to the next meeting of the committee. Prevarication and stonewalling by DIMIA is considered to be common. It was noted that often legalistic/scientific and pedantic responses will be given with care so as to ensure the question is not answered in full.

 

A strength of the committee system is that members of the committee can ask any question they want.  This is of real importance because of the climate of secrecy in which detention centres operate. Many of the contractual arrangements in the tendering process and afterwards may be commercial-in-confidence.

 

A weakness of the committee system is lack of timeliness. The Committees are not well resourced when compared to the large number of departments and operations that they must scrutinise. There is much paper work and not enough support staff. Timelines set for departments can be missed and questions or issues can easily escape members’ attention. Often, for instance, requests are made for statistical verification and these are not provided, the person who holds the data is on leave and the information is not ready in time for the committee which may have a deadline to report. Three main categories are also used, sometimes loosely, to prevent revelation. These are national security, cabinet documents, and commercial in confidence.

 

The Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission

 

The Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission (HREOC) has an important role to play, as is demonstrated by the fact of the current inquiry and the length of this submission.  It has direct and indirect responsibilities under the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Act to ensure Australia's compliance with its human rights obligations and to make recommendation for improvements. It has statutory obligations to inquire into human rights adherence by government and its instrumentalities.

 

HREOC has the capacity to deal with complaints from asylum seekers[84] and to conduct inquiries into areas of human rights on its own initiation or at the recommendation of the Federal Attorney General. In its report, Those who've come across the seas: Detention of unauthorised arrivals[85] HREOC concludes that "Australian law does not permit the individual circumstances of detention of non-citizens to be taken into consideration by the courts. Neither does it permit the reasonableness and appropriateness of detaining an individual to be determined by the courts. Therefore, Australia is in breach of ICCPR article 9.4 and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) article 37(d)."[86]

 

Although the High Court has retained some power to check the lawfulness of detention, under international law such checking involves consideration of whether the detention is reasonable and proportionate. The HREOC notes that in most cases Australia's policy of detention is both mandatory and automatic and applies to almost all unauthorised persons until their claim is determined.[87]

 

Immigration Detention Advisory Group (IDAG)

 

The establishment by DIMIA in February 2001 of the immigration Detention Advisory group (IDAG) is another cited example of independent scrutiny of the federal government’s immigration detention program. DIMIA states that IDAG’s role is to provide advice on the appropriateness and adequacy of services, accommodation and facilities at immigration detention centres.

 

The DIMIA website states that members of the IDAG have unfettered access to immigration detention centres and may consult with detainees and immigration detention centre staff to obtain information on the operating environment of each detention centre. 

 

However, the weight that DIMIA places on recommendations made by IDAG is not indicated.  Further, it is not clear whether detainees are made aware of their right to make complaints to IDAG.  Finally, it is not obvious how young children, particularly UAMs are to make complaints – ie with the help of an adult, custodial officer, interpreter etc.

 

ABC News Online reported on 30 January 2002 that a 2 week hunger strike by detainees including children at Woomera IRPC ended following negotiations with members of IDAG.  The ABC report stated that while Philip Ruddock had publicly declared DIMIA would not respond to the hunger strikers’ demands, DIMIA, at the end of the hunger strike, indicated that it would consider IDAG’s recommendation that asylum seeker claims be treated in a more transparent fashion.  DIMIA also indicated that it would consider relocation of detainees at Woomera IRPC after IDAG recommended Woomera IRPC be closed.  IDAG had warned that unless the detainees were moved out of Woomera there was a risk of a "human tragedy of unknowable proportions".  It suggested that the Woomera site might be used only as an emergency overflow centre instead.

 

Given that, to date, Woomera IRPC remains an operative immigration detention centre, and that it is difficult to determine to what extent, if any, there has been increased transparency in DIMIA’s dealing with asylum seeker claims, it is fair to say that, though welcome, the practical value of IDAG’s recent recommendations remains unclear.

 

Non-state mechanisms

Amnesty International Australia

 

The object of Amnesty International (“AI”), is to contribute to the observance throughout the world of human rights as set out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.[88] As such, AI is concerned with the treatment of refugees and asylum seekers, who may have suffered human rights abuses in their countries of origin and whose treatment by governments in countries where they seek asylum should be governed by international human rights standards.

 

Amnesty International Australia has a “work on own country rule” which means that members and staff of Amnesty International around the world comment on human rights abuses in countries other than the country they live in. In relation to refugee and asylum seekers issues, AI has made an exception to this limitation so that members can comment on this issue in relation to their own countries.

 

However, AI’s researcher for the Asia Pacific Region, Dr Heinz Schumann Zeigel, has not visited Australia’s immigration detention centres and so the comments of AI and AI Australia are necessarily based on evidence gathered by third parties. The fact that the Australian Government facilitated the visit of AI’s delegate, Mr John Pace, to Australia’s asylum seeker centre in Nauru indicates that AI might gain access to detention centres in Australia if it were sought.

 

According to Mr Graham Thom, refugee co-ordinator, AI Australia[89], the main problem AI Australia has in monitoring whether human rights standards are being upheld in IDC’s is that AI Australia is only allowed to visit individuals who have requested that AI Australia visits them. Such a request goes to DIMIA, who facilitate the visit of AI Australia. Asylum seekers do not always find it easy to get in contact with, or gain assistance from, AI Australia even when they request to do so. This is due in part to the limited resources AI Australia has for undertaking individual refugee casework in Australia.

 

Inter-Government organisation/ Non-government organisation meetings

 

Some NGOs have the opportunity to attend occasional IGO/NGO meetings.  The meetings are chaired by a representative from DIMIA. Attendees include representatives from the united Nations high Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), the refugee Review Tribunal (RRT), the Australian Red Cross, the National Council of Churches, the Victorian Foundation for the Survivors of Torture and Trauma, the Refugee Council of Australia, Amnesty International Australia, and the Refugee Council of Australia. At these meetings, the IGOs and NGOs have the opportunity to ask questions about a range of refugee and asylum seeker issues, including matters relating to children in detention. According to Dr Graham Thom, who has attended these meetings as the representative of Amnesty International Australia, the DIMIA representative generally does answer the questions, however, it is not uncommon for the answers to contradict reports about detention conditions gained from detainees and individuals who visit IDCs.[90] Also, those present at the meeting cannot compel DIMIA to provide information.

 

Australian Red Cross

 

The Australian Red Cross (ARC) is the only international humanitarian organisation to have access to all six detention centre facilities.[91]Representatives of the ARC regularly visit all of Australia’s IDCs. Teams of ARC personnel visit urban detention centres once a fortnight and remote IDCs once a month.[92]

 

The purpose of these visits is primarily to provide Tracing and Message services, which facilitate contact between detainees and their friends and relatives in their countries of origin or elsewhere. ARC representatives also provide some items of use to the detainees and offer general emotional support to detainees. The ARC has extensive access to many areas of IDCs which are not accessible to other visitors.

 

While the ARC offers a crucial service, the fundamental principles of the organisation, which, like those of the International Committee of the Red Cross at an international level, include neutrality and impartiality, coupled with its preferred “quiet diplomacy” approach, means that the ARC cannot and does not make comment upon what its staff and volunteers see or experience during visits to IDCs.[93] Despite this commitment to impartiality, however, in January 2002 the ARC published a press release expressing its “concerns for the welfare of the individuals, especially the children, who are involved in protests [at IDCs]”.[94]

 

Church Groups

 

Under Immigration Detention Standard 4.2, “Detainees [should] have access to spiritual, religious and cultural activities of significance to them”. Under IDS 10, a “qualified religious representative approved under guidelines is allowed to hold regular services and pay pastoral visits to detainees of the appropriate religion at proper times, so long as it does not interfere with the security and management of the detention facility”. Accordingly, representatives of religious organisations have more access to IDCs than other sectors of society, but it is, in practice, at the whim of ACS and the Contract Administrator.

 

In visiting children in IDCs, members of religious organisations offer spiritual, emotional and practical support. Religious organisations also have an important role in shaping the standards of detention centres through public advocacy. An example of such advocacy is a press release issued by the National Council of Churches in Australia (NCCA) on 31 January 2002, repeating the call for the release of children detained under Australia’s current mandatory and indefinite detention for asylum seekers and calling for a royal commission into mandatory detention.

 

Individuals

 

A number of individuals visit detention centres on a regular basis.  They do so because of a concern for the isolation of  detainees.  A number of those individuals have been banned from attending IDCs, with no reason given.  In several instances, these people have been banned once they have become popular among the detainees.  In one instance, a lawyer was refused access during the evening visiting hours on the basis that "lawyers' visiting hours are 9 am to 5 pm". 

 

Under clause 9.4.4 of the Detention Agreement, the Contract Administrator may at their sole discretion, “impose restrictions or conditions on the rights of access to Immigration Detainees of any third parties including, without limitation, the media and unsolicited lawyers or migration agents”.  There is a widely held belief among detainees that if a person visiting the detention centres is actively involved in political protest in connection with refugee issues, then that person will likely be banned from visiting IDCs.

 

Because of their location, it is also extremely difficult for lawyers, interested members of the public, the media, non-government organisations or ministers of religion to visit detainees in remote IDCs (Curtin, Port Hedland and Woomera). For example, representatives of the Australian Red Cross have limited their visits to remote IDC’s to once monthly because of the time and expense involved in travelling to the centres.[95]

 

80% of all detainees are held in the remote IDCs.  Whilst a visit to a metropolitan IDC may occupy a total of 3 or 4 hours including travel time, a visit to a remote IDC is likely to occupy up to 3 days.

 

Even if the situation were changed to allow greater access to detention centres, visitors to detention centres, including lawyers, NGOs and individuals may not have the resources to spend the time required or the money for travel costs involved in comprehensively monitoring the maintenance of the standards applicable to children and UAMs in detention.[96]

 

1.7   Constitutional issues raised by detention

The detention of asylum seekers by the Federal government raises particular legal issues in relation to its authorisation under the Commonwealth Constitution and, in particular, the doctrine of separation of powers which is therein enshrined. These issues are addressed below.

 

1.7.1    Constitutional limits on the power to detain

Limits contained in the Migration Act

Parliament did not intend the Migration Act to have any application beyond what it (that is, the Parliament) can validly authorise.  Parliament gave the Act its own self-limiting mechanism, in the form of section 3A. That section reads:

 

3A  Act not to apply so as to exceed Commonwealth power

 

            (1)        Unless the contrary intention appears, if a provision of this Act:

 

            (a)        would, apart from this section, have an invalid application; but

                       

(b)        also has at least one valid application;

 

it is the Parliament’s intention that the provision is not to have the invalid application, but is to have every valid application.

 

(2)        Despite subsection (1), the provision is not to have a particular valid application if:

           

(a)        apart from this section, it is clear, taking into account the provision’s context and the purpose or object underlying this Act, that the provision was intended to have that valid application only if every invalid application, or a particular invalid application, of the provision had also been within the Commonwealth’s legislative power; or

 

(b)        the provision’s operation in relation to that valid application would be different in a substantial respect from what would have been its operation in relation to that valid application if every invalid application of the provision had been within the Commonwealth’s legislative power.

 

(3)        Subsection (2) does not limit the cases where a contrary intention may be taken to appear for the purposes of subsection (1).

 

(4)        This section applies to a provision of this Act, whether enacted before, at or after the commencement of this section.

 

            (5)        In this section:

 

application means an application in relation to:

 

(a)        one or more particular persons, things, matters, places, circumstances or cases; or

 

(b)        one or more classes (however defined or determined) of persons, things, matters, places, circumstances or cases.

 

invalid application, in relation to a provision, means an application because of which the provision exceeds the Commonwealth’s legislative power.

 

valid application, in relation to a provision, means an application that, if it were the provision’s only application, would be within the Commonwealth’s legislative power.

 

In Lim’s case[97], the High Court identified limits to the nature of detention that Parliament can validly authorise for migration control purposes. Under the Constitution – so the Court held – detention is generally to be regarded as a punishment. There are established exceptions, that is to say, there are established forms of detention that are not punitive: remand in custody, for example. But beyond these, detention only exists under our system of government for the punishment of crimes. For that reason, it is generally to be characterised as punitive.

 

Limits derived from the Constitution

The punishment of crimes is a judicial function. The judicial functions of the Commonwealth can only be performed by Chapter III courts; that is to say, by courts – be they State or Federal – that answer to the requirements of Chapter III of the Constitution. This restriction is part and parcel of the separation of powers of the Commonwealth, for which the Constitution provides.

 

It follows – as the Court in Lim held – that if a Commonwealth Act, such as the Migration Act, were to provide for the imposition of punitive detention on any person, except for a crime of which he or she had been convicted by a Chapter III court, the Act would infringe upon the separation of the judicial power of the Commonwealth; and it would be unconstitutional, and invalid.

 

The Constitution provides for Parliament to make laws with respect to aliens. These may include laws regulating the admission and expulsion of aliens. Detention – when imposed within reason for the purposes of these laws – is not punitive. As the Court held in Lim, if imposed within reason, the detention will not trespass upon the separate and exclusive preserve of judicial power:

 

In the light of what has been said above, the two sections will be valid laws if the detention which they require and authorise is limited to what is reasonably capable of being seen as necessary for the purposes of deportation or necessary to enable an application for an entry permit to be made and considered.  On the other hand, if the detention which those sections require and authorise is not so limited, the authority which they purportedly confer upon the executive cannot properly be seen as an incident of the executive powers to exclude, admit and deport an alien. In that event, they will be of a punitive nature and contravene Ch.III's insistence that the judicial power of the Commonwealth be vested exclusively in the courts which it designates.[98] (emphasis added)

 

The limiting mechanism provided by section 3A of the Migration Act means that the Act is not to be construed as having any invalid applications. So, having regard to Lim – and despite the apparent breadth of its terms – the Act is not to be construed as authorising any form of detention that is beyond what is reasonably capable of being seen as necessary for the purposes of deportation or necessary to enable an application for an entry permit to be made and considered. Moreover, administrative detention which is lawful when initiated can become punitive, either because the conditions of detention have deteriorated, or because the length of detention goes beyond what can reasonably be considered necessary for administrative purposes.[99]

 

1.7.2    Constitutionality of detention

Indications are mounting that the detention regimes in Australia’s Immigration Detention Centres go beyond anything that could reasonably be regarded as necessary for the proper purposes of the Act; and, therefore, that those regimes are neither lawful, nor authorised by the Migration Act.

 

There are at least two important measures of whether a regime of detention goes beyond what is reasonably necessary. One is to be found in the conditions of the regime. The other is to be found in the impact that the regime has on those who live under it.

 

The conditions prevailing in Australia’s detention centres have been the subject of publicly expressed alarm, including from within the custodial services sector itself. In a recent speech[100], WA’s Inspector of Custodial Services, Professor Richard Harding, had this to say:

 

That brings me to the question of Immigration Detention Centres. In Australia these are an absolute disgrace in terms of the conditions and standards that are applied.  Whilst there are several factors contributing to this, one of the most important is that there is a complete absence of proper accountability and transparency across the whole system.[101]

 

Professor Harding then recounted his own observations as to conditions in the Curtin Detention Centre: desert isolation, gross overcrowding, broken toilets, inadequate medical services; and so on:

 

I visited Curtin Detention Centre for a nine-hour visit on 25th June 2001.  It is a five-hectare site, with just over 100 temporary accommodation and service buildings scattered amongst the red dirt that is characteristic of the area.  The nearest town is Derby, some 40 kilometres away, but the Centre itself gives the impression of being, “in the middle of nowhere”, as it is about 6 kilometres away from the main road .The day I visited there were 849 people living there, mostly Iraqis, Iranians and Afghanis [102]

 

…….

 

ACS/DIMIA had been very anxious that one should arrive before 9.00am so as to be able to see the Centre’s education classes in progress.  They were evidently very proud of this initiative. A glossy brochure indicated that children were receiving five hours’ daily education in four different groups.  In reality, they were receiving one hour’s education.  Teaching took place between 9.00am and 10.00am; thereafter, the children stayed in the teaching area until 11.00am, during which time some contact with teachers might occur; then there was a lunch break until 1.00pm; and after that so called ‘homework’, if the children felt like doing it, occurred in the classroom area until about 2.00pm.    The so called ‘education program’ was largely a charade – though doubtless five hours’ full education was being paid for and signed off by the Canberra-based ‘monitors’.

 

That insight really set the tone for the whole place.  The huts in which people lived were grossly overcrowded; many of the toilets were broken; some of the washing machines were also broken; the so-called ‘shop’ was abominably stocked and rather inaccessible; the system for sending mail breached all standards of privacy and confidentiality; and above all the medical and dental facilities were inadequate. [103]

 

At length, Professor Harding concluded:

 

Thus, in summary, the conditions that exist at the Curtin Centre are almost intolerable.  Such evidence as exists indicates things are little better at the other Centres. Yet these things are also largely invisible, except when riots occur.[104]

 

The impact that the detention regime has had on detainees has raised similar public alarm. In an award-winning ABC broadcast this year[105], psychiatrist Professor Patrick McGorry spoke to reporter Toni Hassan about one of his detainee patients, and his experiences with detainees generally:

 

Toni Hassan: Concerned about [detainee] Sivam’s mental health, his lawyer contacted Melbourne University Professor Patrick McGorry, an internationally recognised psychiatrist who’s worked with asylum seekers since the 1980s.

Professor McGorry saw Mr Sivam 2-1/2 years into his stay at Victoria’s Maribyrnong Detention Centre.

 

Patrick McGorry: He was one of the most severely ill people I’ve actually seen in the Maribyrnong Detention Centre, and I’ve been seeing people there for at least a five to ten year period now.

 

Toni Hassan: