James W Skillen In Pursuit of Justice - Christian Democratic Explorations Rowman
and Littlefield 2004 ISBN
0-7425-3524-X
Thinking about Politics (2)
This absorbing book redraws American politics within a Christian democratic framework. It should be helpful for those wanting to develop a Christian democratic approach in Fijian politics, but it will also be of value to those of other political persuasions who would like to know a bit more about what Christian democracy stands for. The first three chapters explore the foundations of a Christian democratic point of view - to be involved in politics requires a comprehensive theory of public justice and so the book takes some time to discuss basic perspectives and assumptions. What is the basis for human dignity? How is human dignity and development to be respected by political means? What task does Government have to assist its citizens in coming to maturity and finding their adult identity? Questions like these cannot be left out of consideration. Sooner or later policies and legislation have to confront them. They are unavoidable. It is with such a basis that Chapters 3 to 8 explore current debates and problems. The book is about American domestic politics but readers who keep up with the news, let alone imbibe a daily diet of Oprah, Raymond anf the Simpsons, should be able to digest this book to their profit.
The author has been one of the key advocates for faith-based welfare reform. His chapter examines the difficulties that have had to be overcome and the challenges that lie ahead. His historical analysis identifies 3 previous "orders of pluralism". The first order (1776-1791) was the period when mainly the protestant religion remained established in the states of the initial federation. The 2nd order emerged in the 19th century with large-scale Catholic migration. The 3rd pluralist order identified religion with "private" interests and values and considers religion as a sectarian contribution to public life. In many ways the USA lives in this 3rd pluralistic order where religion in public cannot but challenge the established secular civil religion. Skillen advocates a 4th order of pluralism in which all religions are given the legal respect which is their due in the public square - this is the basis of Skillen's support for much of what George W Bush calls his "faith based initiative" although Skillen's acknowledges that the president and many of like mind are actually seeking to return American to a 19th century 2nd order of pluralism.
In discussing racial justice, Skillen builds on his 4th order insight to address the social structural problems that still need to be faced with the generation-by-generation legacy of institutionalized racism. He emphasizes:
that in a justly differentiated society, educational, ecclesiastical, familial, and economic institutions do not exist as the means to racist or anti-racist ends. Those institutions and organisations have their own ends and qualifying purposes, and justice must be done to them on their own terms. At the same time, there is every reason for government to address the causes of public-policy injustices in economic, education, and health-care arenas , and to make sure that no legal barrier stands in the way of equal rights for [all racial and cultural groups].
The question of public justice for non-Government schools is explored in depth, again building on his view about the inherently religious nature of public life. Skillen advocates the disestablishment of the State school so that Government no longer holds the principal authority in education, recognizing instead with full equity the diverse range of educational agencies. Schooling should be treated as schooling rather than as something divided between religious privacy and public secularity. The norm of public justice requires Government to guarantee full protection and assistance for the education of all children of whatever background. Make educational provision just, says Skillen, and education is free to promote justice in new ways!
A chapter also looks at environmental issues in terms of our human calling to be stewards of God's earth, and the book concludes with a discussion of electoral reform.
In Pursuit of Justice is sub-titled: Christian-Democratic Explorations. It might come as a surprise for some to learn that the assumptions underlying Skillen's explorations are more compatible with Fiji's form of Christian democracy, than with the dominant parties in Skillen's homeland. In the USA, Christian democratic politics finds it almost impossible to have its voice heard. The combined din of Republican and Democrat electoral machines drowns out almost every other option.
Skillen is writing with the "din" of American politics in his ears. He is trying to dispel any reservations his readers might have about seeing themselves in "Christian Democratic" terms.
Joining the words "Christian" and "Democracy" undoubtedly raises questions. The combination suggests a compatibility, but what does the word "Christian" add? Isn't democracy simply democracy, and by its nature isn't a democratic society open to everyone without religious qualification? A democracy is a community of citizens, not a community of faith. There is nothing peculiarly Christian about it. The word combination is, thus, superfluous, is it not?
Fijian
SDL readers of Skillen's book may have a ready reply - for them, and parties of
similar Christian persuasion, the combination is certainly not superfluous.
Skillen's analysis, directed at his own multi-ethnic, multi-faith, hyper-complex
polity, has to confront the interest-groups that have become a national growth
industry over 50 years - political parties have meanwhile been replaced by two
enormous electoral marketing machines. Debate is now by sound bite and niche
strategies. It seems American politics has little interest in asking whether
the hoopla advances justice! Christian democratic perspectives do not have it
easy in "Christian America".
Back in May 2001, when the SDL was launched, its leader, Laisenia Qarase, drew attention to the party's symbols - the dove and the olive branch. The party wished to be judged, he said, as an expression of Christian faith. Qarase believed he saw a way through the political impasse. A solution would be found on a path where criticism and self-criticism walked hand-in-hand. SDL's leader voiced a specific view about how the party wanted to see itself and how it wanted to be judged. The dove and olive branch are part of its Christian banner under which party faithful express their political convictions.
The dove and the olive branch illustrate the Christian ideals which form our founding values. They speak to us especially of peace, conciliation, new hope, a new order and national renewal.
It is by reference to this political standard that the party finds itself. It is also a guide for its political opponents. At its birth the SDL added its own Christian democratic voice to Fijian politics. There are no racial restrictions on party membership and the party's aim is to encourage government, by policy and legislation, to act justly for all the people of Fiji in the spirit of the Good Samaritan. The SDL and others in Fiji are thus in a position to help the author of In Pursuit of Justice to promote a Christian democratic perspective not only in Fiji where this book might be read but in the USA where this book's readers need practical examples of how C-D politics works. I hope this review can spark some creative Fijian reflection on this "greater world-wide" mission. Little seeds sprout big trees!
Skillen's
final chapter, "Citizenship and Electoral Reform", is, perhaps, the
most important chapter of the book. It brings the author's Christian democratic
perspective together by highlighting the weaknesses of the American electoral
system. In plain language Skillen suggests some simple, but profound, changes
to nudge the country down the "proportional representation" path.
One of the weaknesses of the American republic is the weakness of its commitment to building a political community. The reasons for this are both structural and ideological.
This inherent weakness goes back to the original federal union and is compounded by changes which have emerged since. I'm reminded here again of Skillen's 4 orders of pluralism throughout US history. The most important resulted from the Civil War. Federal power over the states, which was not anticipated in the constitution, has grown, and it was federal and economic programs which guided the US through the depression and WWII. Today most Americans see themselves as Americans rather than as citizens of the various states in which they happen to live. As well, since liberalism is the dominant political ideology on the American landscape, the political community tends to view itself in self-interested, choice-making terms; the US sees itself as a "sacred" conglomerate of contracting individuals. With "possessive individualism" as its major entrenched tradition, Skillen suggests a "modest first step" for electoral reform - each state would become a single multi-member district.
For example, if Illinois is allowed twenty-two seats in the House of representatives, then under PR a variety of political parties could each run twenty-two candidates for the entire state in an election that would determine the winners by a proportional count.
If Democrats get 50% of the vote they get 11 members elected. If Republicans poll 35% they would have 8; a vote of 5% for each of the Greens, Libertarians and Rainbow Coalition would give them one member each. In such a situation all voters, or nearly all, would be represented; this contrasts markedly with the current system where most aren't. Skillen's case involves ongoing electoral reform to enable the development of genuinely national political parties with differing political creeds. His believes the interest-group stranglehold over elected representatives needs to be broken. A genuine political party should, as a matter of basic political responsibility, promote reform to the electoral system so that all citizens, of whatever political persuasion, can be truly represented. Is this not basic Christian-democratic value embodying the spirit of the Good Samaritan?
When, if ever, a multi-party system finally arrives, the US Congress will need to adopt a new kind of parliamentary negotiation process; it may be very complex and difficult, but with an electoral system formed to commit representatives to voters and voters to representatives, the resulting complex negotiations will inject new parliamentary disciplines into the legislative process as well as giving public debate a new purposefulness. Criticism of policies will not be fobbed off but will be welcomed in a way that is impossible when pragmatic slippage and flip-flop politics prevail.
The principles of Skillen's analysis are very close to the Fiji brand of Christian democracy as Laisenia Qarase outlined them. Qarase, like Skillen, showed no qualms about the prospect of democracy being formed in subjection to Christian principles. The difference is that Qarase is the leader of a CD party; Skillen would like to see one emerge in his country. The Christian symbols of dove and olive branch can also be found around the world in the CD parties of Europe and South America. Wherever it comes to expression, Christian democracy should be about a political search for justice to show and maintain love for one's neighbours, to find Governmental ways of injecting a loving, caring, Good Samaritan spirit into the warp and woof of public life. In North America, the United Kingdom and Australia it is a different matter. In those countries the Christian democratic idea have not taken hold. Clearly in America the emergence of a Christian Democratic dove would threaten the predominance of the imperial Bald Eagle.
Bruce C
Wearne
Tuesday,
August 09, 2005